Search Climate Insights Directory

The report defines food security as food that is available at all times, accessible to all, nutritionally adequate, and culturally acceptable. It argues that while global food supply has generally kept pace with demand, food insecurity persists due to failures in distribution and individual access. The document evaluates four policy paths: food self-sufficiency (now largely seen as unrealistic), trade liberalization (which offers supply stability but can undermine local producers), food sovereignty (which emphasizes national policy autonomy and peasant rights), and multi-functional agriculture (which integrates environmental sustainability and non-commodity public values into farming). It concludes that a pragmatic, flexible approach is necessary to reconcile economic, social, and ecological objectives.

The report examines the gap between global water scarcity models and the local realities of migration. It argues that while global indicators identify high-stress regions, they fail to account for local coping mechanisms, social vulnerability, and the diverse reasons people move. The authors contend that water scarcity is rarely the sole driver of large-scale refugee movements; instead, it interacts with political and economic factors. The document advocates for a livelihoods-based approach to policy that enhances community resilience and recognizes migration as a potential adaptive strategy rather than merely a crisis of 'environmental refugees'.

The document argues that for the United States to comply with the Stockholm Convention on Persistent Organic Pollutants (POPs), Congress must provide the EPA with clear statutory authority to eliminate listed chemicals without being constrained by de novo cost-benefit balancing or 'sound science' provisions that could be used to delay regulation. It emphasizes that the Convention's primary standard for Annex A chemicals is elimination, and that existing authority under TSCA § 6(a) is insufficient to ban industrial chemicals following the Corrosion Proof Fittings case. The author contends that the Executive Branch's decision to 'opt in' to new listings is a foreign affairs power, but this power is practically dependent on Congress providing the necessary implementing authority to the EPA.

The study finds that youth bulges significantly increase the risk of domestic armed conflict, particularly when combined with economic stagnation. Using a dataset of sovereign states and dependent areas from 1950 to 2000, the author argues that the risk is heightened in regions like Sub-Saharan Africa and the Arab world where youth bulges coexist with poor economic performance and unstable political regimes. The research rejects Samuel P. Huntington's theory of a specific 'critical level' threshold for conflict and suggests that previous World Bank studies failed to find these effects due to flawed measurement methods. Additionally, the author identifies migration as a critical 'safety valve' that can mitigate youth discontent.

The report argues that AGOA has provided limited new opportunities for South African exports because US tariffs were already low, though some agricultural products like fruit juices and pears have seen significant growth. It identifies non-tariff barriers, such as US agricultural subsidies and strict standards, as the primary remaining obstacles to trade. The authors suggest that a reciprocal SACU-US agreement could lock in these preferences and protect South African interests against the unilateral nature of AGOA.

The document assesses the state of education in sub-Saharan Africa, noting that over 40 million children are out of school and progress toward Millennium Development Goals is too slow. It argues that UPE alone cannot drive development and calls for a comprehensive strategy including the expansion of secondary education, significant increases in teacher salaries and training, and curriculum reform. The report highlights that HIV/Aids, corruption, and a lack of funding—specifically a need for $1 billion to $2 billion in upfront commitments—hinder progress. It suggests that Africa should emulate East Asia's planning and financial commitment to education to close the global skills gap.

The report argues that sub-Saharan Africa's focus on Universal Primary Education (UPE) is insufficient for economic development if not paired with a robust secondary education sector. It identifies critical gaps in teacher quantity and quality, the devastating impact of HIV/Aids on educators and students, and the prevalence of corruption in school funding. The document advocates for a shift toward vocational training, science and mathematics education, and a 'basic education' framework (extending to age 16) to avoid a bottleneck of primary graduates who cannot progress. It highlights East Asia's historical success in integrating education planning with job creation as a model for the continent.

The report examines the evolution of 'environmental security,' contrasting narrow research focused on violent conflict with a broader 'vulnerability perspective' that emphasizes livelihoods and health. It argues that environmental degradation is rarely a sole cause of conflict but interacts with socio-economic drivers to threaten vulnerable groups, particularly in developing countries. The authors advocate for integrating vulnerability analysis into sustainable development to better protect the poor from risks associated with climate change, urbanization, and large-scale infrastructure projects.

The document argues that financial institutions can either sustain or mitigate conflict through their investment decisions and resource flows. It identifies tangible risks for the financial sector, including litigation, regulatory costs, and asset defaults, while highlighting 'win-win' opportunities such as 'conflict-free' investment funds and first-mover advantages in post-conflict economies. The text outlines specific levers for peacebuilding—core business, policy dialogue, and social investment—and provides a framework for action across the conflict cycle (conflict-prone, during conflict, and post-conflict).

The author examines whether the 9/11 attacks necessitate a paradigm shift in international relations theory, arguing that while existing theories like neorealism and constructivism remain viable, the event should prompt IR scholars to prioritize previously neglected areas such as international terrorism, US foreign policy, and the transatlantic relationship.

The Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL) submitted comments to the US Patent and Trademark Office (PTO) arguing that traditional knowledge of biological diversity is frequently overlooked as prior art, leading to the improper granting of patents. The document recommends stricter disclosure requirements for applicants, the systematic use of ethnobotanical databases and herbarium specimens in searches, and the consideration of moral grounds for denying patents on sacred indigenous resources.

The World Scientists' Call for Action, signed by 1,586 scientists including 110 Nobel laureates, demands that the 1997 Kyoto Climate Summit result in a strong treaty with legally binding emission reductions for industrial nations. The signatories warn that human-induced global warming threatens sea levels, human health, and food security, while exacerbating existing environmental crises such as deforestation and species loss. They emphasize that the developing world is particularly vulnerable and call for a transition to renewable energy and a new commitment to global environmental stewardship.

The document examines resource-backed loans (RBLs) as a tool for financing infrastructure in resource-rich developing nations, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa. While RBLs can unlock funding and reduce corruption by bypassing government control of funds through special purpose vehicles, they often lead to unsustainable debt, lack of transparency, and unfair terms that favour lenders. The brief recommends integrating RBLs into public procurement systems, increasing transparency, and utilizing expert negotiators to protect national interests.

The document critiques the G20 Common Framework and prior initiatives like HIPC, MDRI, and DSSI, claiming they provide minimal relief while encouraging new borrowing. It highlights the negative impact of credit rating agency biases and the lack of private creditor participation. The authors propose a shift toward an African-led financial system, including a gold-backed currency called the African Financial Asset (AfA), and call for unconditional debt cancellation.

The paper examines the limitations of short-term economic rescue measures in East Africa following Covid-19, advocating for a shift toward 'fiscal democracy' and 'civil protection' to address systemic vulnerabilities. It highlights how high public debt, illicit financial flows (IFFs), and a lack of public participation in fiscal policy undermine economic sustainability. The author calls for human rights-based approaches to tax justice and a return to civic education to empower citizens to hold governments accountable for service delivery and resource management.

The paper argues that the current international financial architecture and neoliberal debt sustainability frameworks ignore gender and ecological dimensions, disproportionately burdening women and nature in Sub-Saharan Africa. It proposes a decolonial African feminist approach based on six principles—epistemic liberation, historicity, specificity, intersectionality, dignity, and justice—to shift the focus from capital-centric growth to social and ecological reproduction.

The document details the methodology for four distinct research areas: the analysis of the #ClimateScam hashtag and X's auto-complete function; the identification of 15 monetized websites sharing climate disinformation and the ad exchanges supporting them; the monitoring of Russian state media and diplomatic accounts on Facebook across four languages; and the collection of political advertising from major fossil fuel companies and petrostates via the Meta Ad Library.

The document details how climate change causes direct health trauma through heat, wildfires, and storms, and indirect impacts via natural and human systems. It highlights WHO projections for increased deaths from heat and diarrhoeal diseases, the expansion of vector-borne diseases like malaria and dengue, and the risk of widespread undernutrition. Additionally, it addresses the socio-economic drivers of health decline, including extreme poverty, forced migration, and increased conflict, while identifying highly vulnerable populations such as indigenous peoples and those in low-income countries.

The report argues that traditional electricity burden assessments undercount the financial strain on businesses by ignoring 'extra costs'—expenses for generators, voltage stabilizers, and alternative energy used to mitigate power outages and fluctuations. Using 2015 survey data from 1,002 grid-connected firms in Benin, the study introduces three metrics (EB1, EB2, EB3) to distinguish between burdens caused by bills alone and those driven by defensive costs. Findings show that extra costs account for 44% of total electricity expenditure and that 60% of businesses face an electricity burden when these costs are included, compared to 55% when only bills are considered. The authors recommend that policymakers in Benin and Sub-Saharan Africa incorporate these defensive costs into policy design, prioritize grid reliability infrastructure, and provide targeted financial support for vulnerable groups, particularly informal sector businesses.

Using Benin as a case study, the report argues that traditional electricity burden assessments—which only consider utility bills—underestimate the true cost of energy for businesses. By introducing three new measures (EB1, EB2, and EB3), the study quantifies the impact of 'extra costs' such as investments in generators and voltage stabilizers. The findings reveal that these preventive measures account for 44% of total electricity expenditures for connected businesses. The report highlights that informal sector businesses and those with less-educated managers are particularly vulnerable, and recommends that policymakers integrate these hidden costs into energy strategies and prioritize grid reliability to reduce the need for costly private mitigation.