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The paper argues that while digital technologies offer opportunities for efficiency in crisis response, they are not neutral and can compromise fundamental humanitarian principles. It identifies key analytical prisms—humanitarian space, public-private partnerships, resource distribution (e.g., digital food/cash), human relations, and data-driven vulnerabilities—to guide future academic inquiry into the 'technological turn' of humanitarian action.

The research concludes that China's security force assistance (SFA) in Africa is consistent with a strategy of economic alignment rather than a military alignment strategy aimed at supplanting the US. While China has expanded its SFA to almost every African state since 2015, the assistance is described as being "spread widely but thin," focusing on non-lethal equipment and training to protect economic interests and foster long-term relationships. In contrast, the US remains the dominant SFA provider in financial terms, with annual provision worth hundreds of millions of dollars compared to China's estimated tens of millions. The authors argue that this approach creates a viable alternative for authoritarian African governments who may otherwise face human rights-based restrictions from Western donors.

The Handbook on Governance Statistics, developed by the Praia Group, establishes a framework for measuring governance through eight dimensions: non-discrimination and equality, participation, openness, access to and quality of justice, responsiveness, absence of corruption, trust, and safety and security. It emphasizes a Human Rights-Based Approach to Data (HRBAD) and advocates for the use of triangulated data sources, including administrative records, household surveys, and expert assessments. The document provides specific recommended indicators, many aligned with SDG 16, and offers technical guidance on mitigating biases in subjective measurements of trust, responsiveness, and corruption.

The authors contend that African urbanization is a demographic megatrend that reshapes politics in diverse, context-specific ways. They reject a uniform 'urban effect,' proposing instead that political changes—such as shifts in citizen preferences, elite incentives, and forms of mobilization—are the direct result of territorially-situated power struggles and the specific social relations produced within built environments. The paper examines six domains: citizen preferences, elite interests, political mobilization, gender roles, civil society, and contentious collective action, highlighting how these are mediated by the unique histories and physical characteristics of different urban places.

The research paper examines the psychological mechanisms through which political violence fuels intergroup conflict, focusing on the distinction between selective and indiscriminate violence. Using panel surveys and endorsement experiments in Nairobi and Mombasa during the 2017 Kenyan elections, the authors test the 'cognitive perspective' of group identification. They find that indiscriminate violence—attacks that target populations regardless of individual guilt—induces fear of future victimization, which subsequently increases prejudice and support for social segregation. These effects were statistically significant among Christian respondents, while results for Muslim respondents were less clear due to smaller sample sizes and different dynamics, such as fear of state retribution following Islamist attacks.

The authors argue that while digital technologies offer opportunities for efficiency in crisis response, they are not neutral and can compromise core humanitarian principles. The paper identifies five analytical prisms for future research: the politics of humanitarian space, the rise of public-private partnerships, new methods of aid distribution (such as e-transfers), the reorganization of relationships between aid providers and recipients, and the emergence of new data-driven vulnerabilities. It concludes that the 'do no harm' imperative requires a more reflective approach to technology to ensure that digital divides do not marginalize the most vulnerable and that data collection does not create new security risks.

The research examines the transition of 'duty of care' from an internal NGO management norm to a legally enforceable liability, using the case of Steven Patrick Dennis v. the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) as a primary example. The Oslo District Court found the NRC grossly negligent following the 2012 kidnapping of staff in the Dadaab refugee camp in Kenya, ruling that the organization must adhere to the same due care standards as any other employer, regardless of the humanitarian context.

The report examines SFA in Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, and Somalia since 2010, finding that billions in spending have often been ineffective or counter-productive. It identifies a 'piecemeal approach' where multiple providers with diverging interests create fragmented security forces, undermining professional standards and civilian oversight. Case studies of Mali and Somalia highlight issues such as high personnel turnover, a focus on technical skills over ethics, and the diversion of equipment to illicit markets. The authors recommend long-term, coordinated partnerships based on detailed local capacity assessments to foster cohesion rather than fragmentation.

The research examines the link between horizontal inequalities and civil unrest in the Mtwara and Lindi regions of Tanzania. While these regions have faced long-term objective economic marginalization, the authors find that this structural inequality alone did not trigger conflict. Instead, the discovery of natural gas and subsequent government decisions—specifically the decision to pipe gas to Dar es Salaam instead of developing local industry—created frustrated expectations and perceptions of unfair treatment. Using survey data from 804 respondents and 35 interviews, the study demonstrates that the perception of being treated unfairly by the government is the strongest predictor of both support for and actual participation in protests and political violence.

The study finds that rural-urban migration itself does not cause urban violence. Instead, lethal urban political violence is associated with the socioeconomic marginalization of rural-urban migrants—specifically relative deprivation in terms of household assets and access to public services—as well as unequal access to education within the city population.

The study finds that regions in Sub-Saharan Africa with high levels of both vertical and horizontal socioeconomic inequality are significantly more prone to violent communal conflicts. Specifically, the marginalization of the largest ethnic group in a region is a key driver of violence. The authors argue that the exclusionary nature of the African state and elite incentives to mobilize communal identities transform economic grievances into violent clashes over resources and political power.

The report analyzes how Egypt and Uganda navigate their relationships with Northern and Southern Sudan ahead of the 2011 referendum. Egypt faces waning regional influence and security dilemmas related to the Nile and border stability, while Uganda maintains a strong strategic and economic partnership with the Southern Sudanese leadership to ensure regional stability and expand trade.

The document critically examines the 'turn towards technology' in humanitarian aid, specifically regarding sexual violence. It warns that technological solutions often fail due to inadequate problem definitions and the exclusion of affected populations. The author identifies four key areas of concern: the creation of 'digital bodies' (data representations of physical people), the use of intrusive wearables for reproductive and health tracking, the 'technologization' of safeguarding through quantification and criminal law, and the use of data-driven vulnerability assessments that may render male victims invisible. Finally, it cautions against 'humanitarian experimentation,' where untested technologies are deployed in fragile environments without sufficient ethical frameworks, potentially introducing new harms to victims of gender-based violence.

The document examines how ethno-national diasporas influence civil wars through financial contributions, military and political involvement, and international advocacy. It analyzes the dual nature of this influence, noting that while diaspora resources can prolong conflict by sustaining armed groups and hardening political stances, they also offer significant potential for peace through post-conflict reconstruction, the provision of skilled personnel for new institutions, and the promotion of human rights discourses.

The document argues that Australia's mandatory off-shore processing regime in Nauru and Papua New Guinea constitutes a violation of the principle of non-refoulement. It contends that by transferring asylum seekers to facilities characterized by arbitrary detention, inadequate medical care, and conditions akin to torture, Australia exercises extraterritorial jurisdiction and remains legally responsible for these human rights violations. The author warns that this model serves as a blueprint for similar externalization policies currently emerging in the European Union.

The document argues that while minigrids are technically feasible, they lack economic viability due to a typical cost of service between $0.55 and $1.00/kWh, which exceeds customers' ability to pay and the cost of alternatives like diesel generators. RMI proposes a hypothesis that costs can be reduced by over 60% to approximately $0.20/kWh by 2020 by addressing six key areas: hardware standardization, load management, customer engagement, project development/O&M efficiency, affordable financing, and supportive policy. The briefing outlines a strategy to test these ideas across three market segments—large under-grid, large off-grid, and small off-grid with subsidy—using Nigeria and Tanzania as primary test cases.

The proposal outlines a strategy to provide electricity to millions in sub-Saharan Africa and India using a modular 'solar energy ladder' that progresses from lanterns to microgrids. It aims to prevent carbon emissions and coal plant expansion while stimulating economic growth through standardized design, large-scale procurement, and innovative financing.

The Alliance for Renewable Electrification (ARE) is seeking expressions of interest for its 2025 Investment Academy, a hybrid training programme running from 31 March to 17 October 2025. The programme is designed to help up to 12 early-stage decentralised renewable energy (DRE) SMEs in sub-Saharan Africa improve their access to finance and investor relations through eight training modules, culminating in a pitching session to financiers in Nairobi, Kenya.

The report examines the role of decentralised renewable energy (DRE) in overcoming barriers to agricultural productivity, such as lack of energy access and finance. It presents 15 case studies across Africa, Asia, and South America, showcasing technologies like solar water pumps, cooling systems, and biomass steam engines. Key findings emphasize the need for holistic, customer-centric designs, innovative financing (including grants, equity, and debt), and the integration of capacity building to ensure long-term sustainability and job creation in rural communities.

The Alliance for Rural Electrification (ARE) has issued a Request for Proposals (RFP) for the booking of a venue and catering services for the ARE Energy Access Investment Forum (EAIF) 2026, scheduled for April 21-23, 2026, in Nairobi, Kenya.