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The communiqué from the July 2010 Kampala conference identifies critical areas for improving the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). Key recommendations include the urgent need to fill the vacant CEO position of the APRM Secretariat, the integration of National Programmes of Action (NPOA) into national budgeting and planning, and the requirement for National Governing Councils to maintain institutional independence with a non-executive majority. The document emphasizes that while twelve countries had completed reviews by 2010, the pace of accession and execution remains slow, urging all 53 African states to join the mechanism.

The policy brief evaluates the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), a governance monitoring tool designed to foster political stability and sustainable development in Africa. The author identifies ten reasons for optimism, noting that 29 African countries have voluntarily joined the process and that the mechanism has accelerated its pace of reviews over time. While the author acknowledges that the system struggles to hold heads of state accountable for specific crises, the APRM has produced comprehensive reports that identify systemic weaknesses and has led to tangible governance gains in countries like Ghana, Rwanda, and Kenya. The brief concludes that the APRM empowers citizens through participatory assessment and promotes peer learning among states, though it requires more transparent leadership and better documentation of successes to maintain momentum.

The 2010 flight disruptions caused by the Eyjafjallajokull eruption primarily affected African countries dependent on air-transported agricultural perishables, such as flower exporters in East Africa. While bulk commodity trade via sea remained stable, the crisis highlighted the vulnerability of relying on Europe as a primary trading partner. The author argues that African nations must diversify their trade partners, specifically exploring South-South trade with emerging economies like Brazil, India, and China, to mitigate risks from future natural disasters or trade restrictions.

The document examines how global warming threatens fundamental human rights—including the rights to food, water, health, and housing—and explores the legal frameworks available for redress. It reviews international environmental law, the outcomes of the 2009 Copenhagen Conference, and existing jurisprudence from human rights tribunals. The authors argue that climate-related harms are not 'new territory' for litigation but fit within established legal principles. The paper specifically evaluates the CESCR's current work and proposes eleven recommendations to better anchor climate change in the Committee's state reporting, general comments, and the use of its Optional Protocol for individual and inter-state complaints.

The report examines the role of Energy Service Companies (ESCOs) in promoting energy efficiency in developing countries. While the ESCO model—where remuneration is linked to energy savings—has succeeded in developed nations and recently in China, it faces significant hurdles elsewhere. Key barriers include limited access to financing, high transaction costs, government policy disincentives such as energy subsidies, and a lack of technical and financial human resources. The document details the impact of international agencies like the World Bank and domestic government programs in countries such as Brazil, India, and South Korea. It recommends a combination of loan guarantees, the elimination of energy price subsidies, the creation of standardized contracts, and the development of domestic commercial banking capacity to sustain the industry.

The report finds that significant greenhouse gas mitigation is possible in developing countries at low or negative costs, primarily through energy efficiency and forestry. While macroeconomic analyses for countries like Mexico and South Africa suggest that low-carbon transitions can be net-positive for GDP, the report warns that technical cost curves often omit significant implementation and transaction costs. It emphasizes that low-income countries (LICs) have different drivers, focusing on co-benefits like health and energy security rather than absolute emission cuts. The document also highlights a critical knowledge gap regarding 'climate resilient growth'—how to structure economies to reduce long-term vulnerability—and calls for better integration of adaptation and mitigation strategies to avoid trade-offs.

Dr. Jakkie Cilliers, Executive Director of the Institute for Security Studies (ISS), delivered opening remarks on April 13, 2010, for the launch of the ISS's expanded Nairobi office. The speech details the ISS's evolution from a South African organization founded in 1991 to a pan-African think tank focused on "sustainable human security." Cilliers highlights the institute's regional presence in Pretoria, Cape Town, Addis Ababa, and Nairobi, and its collaborations with various African Union and regional bodies. The remarks also introduce new initiatives, including the African Conflict Prevention System (ACPS) and the proposed ISS Peace Academy in Addis Ababa, which aims to provide training on non-traditional security issues such as climate change.

The document reports on a February 2010 roundtable discussing the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It highlights the mechanism's success in attracting 30 member states and producing 12 comprehensive Country Review Reports (CRRs) that diagnose governance failures. However, it identifies critical weaknesses, including a 'crisis of leadership', insufficient funding, and a lack of systematic implementation of National Programmes of Action (NPoAs). The discussion emphasizes the need for greater transparency in the Panel of Eminent Persons and more robust civil society engagement to ensure the APRM's long-term credibility and impact.

The document details Lesotho's journey through the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), from its 2004 accession to its 2009 heads of state review. It highlights the role of the Mixed-Member Proportional (MMP) electoral system in stabilizing the country's politics and identifies critical socio-economic challenges, including high unemployment, poverty, and dependence on South Africa. The discussion emphasizes the importance of civil society and media involvement in ensuring transparency, while noting that the APRM's primary value at this stage is 'soft'—creating space for communication and consensus on national goals rather than immediate quantifiable outcomes.

The National Chairman of the South African Institute of International Affairs reviews the 2009-2010 period, highlighting South Africa's influence in the G20 and the BASIC group during the Copenhagen Climate Change Summit. It discusses the need for reform in Bretton Woods institutions and the challenges of democratic stability in Africa, specifically in Zimbabwe, Nigeria, and Sudan. The statement also outlines President Zuma's prioritisation of bilateral relations with Angola, Brazil, and the UK, and the establishment of the South African Development Partnership Agency (SADPA).

The author contends that South Africa is experiencing a retrenchment of its global diplomatic ambition under President Zuma, characterized by a lack of policy clarity and a 'managerial lacuna' within the government. While acknowledging the institutional legacy of the African Union left by former President Mbeki, the text warns that continental crises—including climate change, energy insecurity, and water stress—require decisive leadership that is currently absent. The author calls for greater policy coherence between the Department of International Relations and Co-Operation (DIRCO) and other state organs and the private sector, suggesting that DIRCO must modernize its diplomatic skills to include environmental and economic literacy to drive domestic growth.

The African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) has evolved from a concept into a multifaceted system with 29 member states, providing candid governance diagnoses and opening political space for reform. However, the institution currently faces significant crises of confidence regarding the transparency of its leadership selection, a lack of a CEO since June 2007, and the marginalization of civil society.

The document analyzes the political and technical status of Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD-plus) following the 2009 Copenhagen Accord. It details the outcomes from various UNFCCC negotiating tracks, including the AWG-LCA and SBSTA, and identifies critical gaps in forest definitions, safeguards, and monitoring systems. The report proposes a phased approach to Monitoring, Reporting, and Verification (MRV) based on IPCC tiers and discusses the tension between national and subnational implementation. It also examines the integration of REDD-plus with Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs) and the necessity of coordinating financing through both grant and market-based mechanisms.

The document analyzes the outcomes of COP15 for REDD-plus, highlighting the Copenhagen Accord's role as a political mandate for further action. It details the three-phase implementation approach proposed by the AWG-LCA and examines critical challenges including the definition of 'forest', the integration of REDD into Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMA), and the development of Monitoring, Reporting, and Verification (MRV) systems based on IPCC guidelines. The report also discusses the necessity of social and environmental safeguards for indigenous peoples and local communities, the role of the Green Climate Fund, and the potential for both grant-based and market-based financing mechanisms.

The author contends that the perceived intractability of nuclear proliferation, climate change, and oil dependence stems from a mistaken assumption that climate protection and oil displacement are costly. By applying 'integrative design' and 'micropower' (cogeneration and renewables), the author argues that energy efficiency and distributed generation are more profitable, faster to deploy, and more effective than nuclear power. Specifically, the paper asserts that phasing out nuclear power is a necessary condition for nonproliferation because civilian nuclear infrastructure provides the materials and knowledge required for weapons. The author proposes that the U.S. should reform the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) by redefining the obligations under Article IV to provide developing nations with efficient, non-nuclear energy security rather than nuclear technology.

The author proposes that Africa establish an informal 'club of states' similar to the G8 or G20 to address continental challenges and represent Africa globally. The brief argues that formal institutions like the African Union (AU) are hindered by a commitment to equality among states and resistance to reform, which leads to weak compromises. To achieve effectiveness, the author suggests an 'A5 Club' consisting of South Africa, Nigeria, Angola, Ethiopia, and Kenya, with Egypt as a possible sixth member. This group would be based on 'effectiveness and capabilities' rather than democratic legitimacy, aiming to stabilise failing states, end conflicts, and steer AU political processes.

The report analyzes the complex relationship between Egypt and the Sudan (North and South) ahead of the 2011 Southern Sudan referendum. It highlights Egypt's strategic interests in Nile water security, regional stability, and trade, while warning that a flawed referendum or failed secession negotiations could lead to renewed civil war or state collapse. The document argues that Egypt must move beyond its preference for Sudanese unity to constructively engage with both Northern and Southern Sudanese entities to ensure a peaceful transition and maintain its influence in the Nile Basin.

The document argues that ICTs are essential enablers for climate change adaptation, facilitating the collection of environmental data and the dissemination of early warnings to vulnerable populations. It highlights the role of the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) in supporting the Nairobi Framework and the Hyogo Framework for Action by developing standards, improving telecommunications infrastructure, and deploying weather stations in under-served regions like Africa.

The document argues that Africa's vulnerability to climate change is exacerbated by weak environmental information systems and a lack of data-driven policy. It categorizes information needs into three types: responsive (rapid data for early warning and disaster response), proactive (long-term bio-physical projections and sectoral data), and robust (managing uncertainty through regional climate models). The author highlights South Africa's use of the Wide Area Monitoring Information System (WAMIS) and the Disaster Management Act of 2002 as models for integrating disaster risk reduction into local development planning. The paper concludes that African nations must leverage international networks like the Group on Earth Observation (GEO) to overcome technical capacity gaps and avoid 'mal-adaptation' costs.

The author proposes a new green revolution focused on sustainable land management and water harvesting to meet development goals and climate risks. He argues that investing in small-scale rainfed agriculture and conservation agriculture can double or triple crop yields while sequestering carbon. The document identifies systemic barriers, such as the policy fixation on large-scale irrigation and the administrative split between 'wet' water ministries and 'dry' agriculture ministries, and calls for integrated national strategies in Africa to scale these solutions.