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The document details the campaign to stop the Chinese vessel An Yue Jiang from delivering weapons to Zimbabwe following the contested 2008 elections. It examines the roles of legal challenges, media, and regional partnerships in preventing the shipment's delivery through South Africa, Mozambique, Namibia, and Angola.

This case study describes how coordinated civil society actions across Southern Africa successfully blocked a shipment of weapons destined for Zimbabwe following controversial elections.

The report details a seminar featuring Doug Brooks, President of the Association of the Stability Operations Industry (IPOA), who argued that private security contractors provide cost-effective, specialized capabilities that reduce military footprints and logistical burdens in peacekeeping. The seminar also included a response from Lawrence Juma, who questioned the distinction between these companies and mercenaries, the appropriateness of their role in internal conflicts in fragile states, and the adequacy of existing regulatory frameworks like the Montreux Document.

The document argues that Zimbabwe's security sector is heavily politicised and oriented toward regime security due to colonial legacies and liberation struggle ideologies. It recommends immediate interventions to prevent military coups, ensure regular payment of security personnel, and limit the use of the military in domestic affairs. Long-term goals include an incremental overhaul of the criminal justice system and the institutionalisation of accountability and transparency, though the author notes that comprehensive reform currently lacks political resonance.

The report argues that increasing water productivity—defined as the value or benefit derived from a volume of water used—is essential to meet the food demands of a growing global population while managing increasing water scarcity. It emphasizes that the greatest potential for gains lies in low-productivity rainfed areas, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia. The document advocates for a shift from focusing solely on 'blue water' (rivers, lakes, aquifers) to integrating 'green water' (soil moisture) management at the watershed scale. Key strategies include closing yield gaps through improved agronomy, adopting micro-irrigation and water harvesting, and enhancing livestock water productivity. The report concludes that these technical improvements must be supported by targeted policy actions, capacity building, and the removal of market constraints to be effective for the rural poor.

The author contends that while SADC successfully mediated the Global Political Agreement to establish a unity government in Zimbabwe, the regional body has missed a critical opportunity to support the resulting Short-Term Economic Recovery Plan (STERP) financially. Despite the plan's estimated requirement of US$10 billion over three years, only South Africa and Botswana have made tangible pledges totaling US$160 million, with approximately US$400 million secured from unspecified African sources. The author argues that SADC member states have a moral obligation to contribute resources rather than relying solely on lobbying international donors like the IMF and World Bank, suggesting that even token contributions would enhance the credibility of the African renaissance and the STERP initiative.

The author argues that despite a change in leadership from Thabo Mbeki to Jacob Zuma, South Africa's foreign policy is likely to maintain continuity. This continuity is expected to manifest as ongoing support for the African Union (AU), NEPAD, and the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), as well as a persistent 'anti-imperial' philosophical approach in international relations and continued engagement in regional conflicts such as those in Zimbabwe and Sudan.

The document is a country fact sheet for Zambia, detailing its geography, population, governance, and natural resources. It notes a population of 11.1 million as of 2004, a GDP per capita of approximately US$380, and a parliamentary democracy with a legal system based on common law. Zambia's natural resources include copper, cobalt, zinc, lead, coal, emeralds, and hydropower.

The National Chairman of the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) assesses the impact of the 2009 global financial crisis on the Western liberal order and the African continent. The statement advocates for Africa to avoid protectionism and instead develop a 'global stimulus plan' focused on infrastructure and clean energy. It calls for a new South African white paper on post-transformation foreign policy that aligns national interests with domestic socio-economic needs. Finally, it identifies climate change as a critical threat to 'global public goods' that requires active African participation in finding sustainable development paths.

The document argues that accountability—defined as the obligation of those in power to justify their decisions—is the essential ingredient for functional constitutionalism. It proposes three tests for constitutionalism: limitations on government power, domestic legitimacy, and the protection of human rights. Using South Africa as a primary example, the author highlights a tension where liberation movements often transition from fighting for people's freedom to securing elite power, leading to the erosion of judicial independence and the failure to implement constitutional rights in practice. The paper concludes that a culture of accountability and a vigilant civil society are necessary to prevent a 'winners and losers' scenario and to protect individuals without needing specific group rights.

The author contends that Zimbabwe's entry into the Common Monetary Area (CMA) would undermine the agreement's credibility due to Zimbabwe's inability to back currency issuance with foreign reserves. Furthermore, the move would strip Zimbabwe of its monetary and fiscal sovereignty, lead to an overvalued currency that destroys export competitiveness, and fail to curb inflation without the removal of trade barriers. Politically, such a surrender of sovereignty is viewed as unpalatable for Zimbabwe's leadership.

The document evaluates the Global Political Agreement in Zimbabwe as a successful example of an 'African solution' to a political stalemate, while critiquing the slow pace of the diplomatic response. It highlights the agreement's goals of dividing executive power and restoring basic services, but notes that the delay in action allowed for extreme economic collapse, including hyperinflation and a cholera pandemic.

The seminar concludes that elections are not isolated events but part of a broader body polity, meaning their effectiveness in preventing conflict depends on the surrounding political culture and context. Using Ghana as a reference point, the discussion highlights that presidential elections in Africa often become zero-sum games because control of the presidency equates to control over a country's political and economic future. To mitigate this, the report suggests distributing power across state institutions and ensuring the impartiality and professionalism of Electoral Commissions. Key recommendations for managing electoral processes include grounding the process in citizen ownership, ensuring timely release of results, and fostering a culture of conceding defeat to build political compromise.

The briefing examines how the global banking crisis and falling commodity prices threaten African budgets and social expenditure, while analyzing ongoing political instability in countries like the DRC, Sudan, and Somalia, and the prospects for democratic consolidation across the continent.

The document assesses the transport sectors of SACU member states, highlighting a significant shift from rail to road and the strategic importance of South African infrastructure for landlocked neighbors. It identifies regulatory fragmentation and high logistics costs as primary barriers to trade. The report advocates for the implementation of the SADC Transport Protocol and provides a strategic framework for member states to align their national policies with the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) to attract investment and improve efficiency.

The document examines the bilateral relationship between China and Mozambique, highlighting how Mozambique's reliance on traditional Western donors and the influence of the FRELIMO party have constrained China's influence compared to other African nations. It details Chinese investments in infrastructure, such as the Mpanda Nkua dam, and identifies significant controversies surrounding illegal logging and poaching in the fisheries sector. The report also explores future cooperation in agriculture, biofuels, and the establishment of special economic zones, while noting Mozambique's strategic value as a maritime gateway for landlocked SADC countries.

The report analyzes the Zambian livestock sector, noting that rising prices are driven by fuel costs, imported feed inputs, climate change, and economic pressures. It highlights a divide between a thriving poultry sector and a struggling beef sector plagued by disease and poor infrastructure. The document argues that while liberalization was intended to modernize the sector, it lacked the necessary socioeconomic safety nets and technical support, leaving small-scale farmers vulnerable. It recommends strengthening research, improving irrigation, and expanding government disease control to stabilize prices and enhance food security.

The document examines the intersection of global trade policy and food security in Southern Africa, arguing that reducing dependence on First World agricultural subsidies and improving domestic production capabilities are critical for long-term stability. It analyzes the potential impacts of the WTO Doha Round, specifically regarding preference erosion for African exports and the disciplining of export restrictions. The author highlights the risks posed by biofuel production and the limitations of current trade models in predicting gains for Africa, suggesting that a 'no deal' outcome at the WTO may not be entirely disadvantageous.

The document analyzes the decline of Zimbabwe's agricultural sector and its resulting food insecurity, identifying structural failures, hyperinflation, and land reform as primary drivers. It evaluates domestic support programs and trade policies, concluding that while Zimbabwe has the potential for self-sufficiency, it requires comprehensive reforms in infrastructure, technology, and regional cooperation to overcome current supply-side constraints.

The report analyzes the complex political economy of Southern African agriculture, identifying governance and external financing as the primary uncertainties affecting the region's future. Through a stakeholder workshop in Harare, four distinct scenarios were developed, ranging from a high-investment, high-policy-quality future ('I believe I can fly') to a state of total failure ('This is the end'). The authors argue that while the region currently sits in a precarious position characterized by poor domestic policy and weak state capacity, there are opportunities to pivot toward growth through improved infrastructure, transparent land tenure management, and the strategic adoption of agricultural technologies like GMOs.