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The report argues that nature-based solutions (NBS) and carbon offset schemes often serve as 'escapes' for major polluters to continue emitting greenhouse gases while facilitating land grabbing and violating human rights. It provides numerous case studies across Africa, Asia-Pacific, Europe, and the Americas, highlighting systemic issues such as inflated carbon baselines, lack of free, prior, and informed consent (FPIC), and the failure of projects to deliver promised carbon reductions or community benefits. Specific examples include REDD+ projects in Gabon and Zimbabwe, soil carbon initiatives in Kenya and the US, and cookstove offsets in India.

Global Witness reports that the rush for lithium in Africa is characterized by corruption and ESG failures. In Zimbabwe, the Sandawana mine is linked to sanctioned elites and ZANU-PF allies, with reports of child labour and illegal exports. In Namibia, Xinfeng Investments is accused of bribery and using small-scale mining permits to avoid environmental assessments. In the DRC, the Manono project is stalled by ownership disputes and allegations that shell companies and politically connected individuals profited from the deposit while the state treasury received negligible funds.

The document analyzes the 'epidemic' of military takeovers in Africa, identifying governance dysfunction, democratic decline, civil-military tensions, and Islamist insurgencies as primary drivers. It argues that the African Union (AU) and regional economic communities (RECs) have relied on reactive, inconsistent, and ineffective blanket sanctions that fail to deter coup plotters. The author recommends a shift toward prevention, targeted sanctions, and the strengthening of civil-military relations and democratic legitimacy.

The document examines the contradictions in Namibia's foreign policy on human rights, noting a gap between its progressive Constitution and its practical international conduct. It identifies key tensions, such as the conflict between multilateralism and state sovereignty, and the prioritisation of 'solidarity politics' from the liberation struggle over universal human rights standards. This is evidenced by Namibia's frequent abstentions at the UN on country-specific human rights resolutions and its continued diplomatic ties with authoritarian regimes.

Global Energy Monitor identifies nearly 2.7 million coal miners worldwide, with the majority in Asia. The report warns that 414,200 jobs could be lost by 2035 and 990,200 by 2050 due to the industry's own 'life of mine' closure schedules, regardless of climate policies. It highlights that current climate pledges cover only 6% of the thermal coal workforce, leaving millions vulnerable. The report emphasizes the need for just transition mechanisms, such as the Just Energy Transition Partnerships (JETPs), and suggests bridging employment through mine reclamation and renewable energy repurposing.

The Peer Learning Summit (PLS) convened representatives from 10 countries to exchange knowledge on vertical integration in the National Adaptation Plan (NAP) process. The workshop focused on five interdependent areas: coordination mechanisms with sub-national governments, capacity strengthening, engagement with the local private sector, engagement with civil society organizations (CSOs), and financial flows to sub-national levels. Key discussions highlighted the necessity of long-term monitoring, evaluation, and learning (MEL) systems to track progress across governance levels and the importance of gender-responsive and socially inclusive (GESI) approaches. Participating countries, including Kenya, Ghana, and Tuvalu, shared specific milestones and challenges, such as limited local funding and technical capacity gaps. The event concluded with countries identifying actionable next steps for their respective NAP processes through June 2024.

The document advocates for a shift from extractive-centered development to 'anticipatory governance' for critical minerals in the SADC region. It proposes transitioning to a 'Resource Balanced Economy' (RBE) that accounts for energy constraints and resource flows, rather than relying on traditional linear or circular economy models. The brief emphasizes the need for a new social contract to protect workers against automation, financial innovations to reduce risk ratings and currency devaluation, and a 'bioregional' approach to value chains to prevent regional fragmentation and ensure fair benefit distribution among member states.

Carbon Market Watch has filed a formal complaint with Verra based on research from the University of California (Berkeley) that identifies 'major deficiencies in project integrity and rigour' across several REDD+ projects. The document alleges that Verra and its validation/verification bodies (VVBs) failed to uphold standards, resulting in the issuance of carbon credits that are not 'environmentally sound'. Key failures cited include non-conservative forest carbon accounting, lack of transparency in allometric equations, inadequate community consultation, and the underestimation of natural reversal risks. The complainant calls for an internal investigation, a halt on credit issuance for the affected projects, and the cancellation of wrongfully issued credits.

The report finds that REDD+ projects under Verra's methodologies systematically over-credit their climate benefits due to inflated baselines, underestimated leakage, and exaggerated forest carbon stocks. It further argues that social safeguards are often treated as a 'check-box activity,' failing to protect vulnerable forest communities from displacement and rights violations. The authors conclude that REDD+ is ill-suited for generating carbon offsets and recommend a shift toward a contributions-based approach and rights-based safeguards.

The report argues that the SADC region must move beyond 'business-as-usual' mining models to avoid repeating past failures of fragile growth and inequality. It proposes a transition toward a 'resource-balanced economy' (RBE) and a 'cooperative economy' through five strategic priorities: investing in advanced geological surveying, building mineral stewardship competencies, developing regional value chains, embedding anticipatory governance, and strengthening regulatory transparency. The authors advocate for systemic innovations, including the use of digital currencies to formalise artisanal mining, the creation of a regional metal exchange, and a shift away from US dollar reliance in trade to reduce exogenous shocks.

The report examines the SADC region's role in the global energy transition, focusing on critical minerals like copper, lithium, cobalt, graphite, manganese, nickel, and rare earth elements. It highlights the risk of SADC countries remaining raw material suppliers unless they implement robust governance and strategic value-addition policies. The analysis covers the geostrategic influence of China, the US, and the EU, while providing country-specific case studies and recommendations for regional value chain development.

The 2023 Zimbabwean general election is framed as a high-stakes contest between incumbent Emmerson Mnangagwa (ZANU-PF) and Nelson Chamisa (CCC), with significant implications for the country's democratic legitimacy and its ability to re-engage with Western nations. The author notes a decline in voter intention and female candidacy compared to 2018, alongside an electoral environment skewed in favor of the ruling party through control of state institutions and exclusionary financial barriers. Internationally, the election is viewed as a test of Zimbabwe's willingness to return to democratic norms, which is critical for debt clearance processes and the export of strategic minerals like lithium essential for the global energy transition.

This report examines the economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on MEFMI member states in sub-Saharan Africa, detailing how public health measures and external shocks led to GDP declines and increased fiscal pressure.

The research paper examines the role of the Wagner Group and other private military contractors (PMCs) in Africa, highlighting their involvement in human rights abuses, the smuggling of mineral resources to fund the Russian state, and the use of disinformation campaigns to undermine democratic processes and Western influence. It notes that PMCs provide 'plausible deniability' for states to conduct criminal warfare and argues that the African Union's failure to implement existing anti-mercenary frameworks hampers regional peace and security.

The document advocates for 'anticipatory governance' in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) to manage the surge in demand for critical minerals like cobalt, lithium, and graphite. It proposes moving away from extractive-centered development toward a 'Resource Balanced Economy' (RBE) that accounts for energy constraints and resource flow. Key recommendations include creating a new social contract for mining, innovating financial systems to reduce risk ratings and illicit flows, and adopting 'bioregionalism' to develop regional value chains and reduce dependence on external manufacturing centers.

The paper argues that integrating climate mitigation target-setting with economic development assessments can motivate more ambitious climate action. By modeling 28 mitigation measures, the authors show that Zimbabwe can meet its updated target of a 40% reduction in greenhouse gas emissions from all sectors by 2030 (relative to baseline scenarios) while gaining quantifiable benefits in biodiversity, public health, sustainable energy use, and energy security.

The author contends that Africa can leverage the transition to a circular garment industry to drive economic growth and industrial upgrading. Key opportunities include producing sustainable cotton and alternative fibres, greening manufacturing processes to gain a competitive advantage, and repurposing the high volume of second-hand clothing imports into new products and recycled yarns. The author emphasizes that without a proactive industrial policy or circular economy roadmap, African nations risk missing these opportunities and failing to meet Sustainable Development Goals 9 and 12, particularly as the European Union introduces stricter eco-design regulations.

The document examines national investment laws as versatile policy instruments, tracing their shift from national development tools (1950-1979) to mechanisms for incorporating international treaty standards (1980-2010). It identifies seven primary functions of contemporary investment laws: regulating admission, administering incentives, facilitating investment, providing legal protection, managing disputes, specifying investor obligations, and supervising investments. The report argues against a 'one-size-fits-all' model, suggesting instead that laws be designed based on a country's specific policy objectives and regulatory capacity. It provides a detailed framework for policymakers to evaluate existing laws and design new ones, emphasizing the need to reduce legal risks associated with investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) and inefficient tax incentives.

The document analyzes the historical 'lock-in' of SADC's infrastructure, which has been driven by colonial mercantile systems and extractive economic imperatives. It contends that current infrastructure is elitist and ecologically unsustainable, failing to meet the needs of the region's growing population. To counter this, the authors propose a 'regenerative' approach based on circular economies and human wellbeing. The paper presents three visionary scenarios—one driven by political response to climate migration, one by bottom-up civic innovation, and one by ESG-led market incentives—to illustrate potential pathways toward sustainable development. It concludes with recommendations for policy reform, including the creation of a Green Infrastructure Task Team and the adoption of community-based public-private partnerships (C-PPPs).

The author contends that while tourism in Africa has grown significantly, its developmental impact is limited by 'economic leakages' where revenue is expatriated to foreign economies. Using Zanzibar as a case study, the paper demonstrates that foreign-owned all-inclusive resorts dominate the high-end market, while locals are relegated to unskilled labor and struggle to integrate their goods into the supply chain. The document traces this trend to IMF Structural Adjustment Policies (SAPs) of the 1980s, which liberalized economies for foreign investment. To mitigate these issues, the author suggests investing in local infrastructure to meet international standards and promoting intra-African leisure tourism.