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The report examines the drive to increase the proportion of women in the Norwegian armed forces from 7% to 15% by the end of 2008. It identifies two primary motivations: a symbolic political goal to reflect Norwegian society's gender equality and a military goal to acquire diverse qualifications for new security challenges. The author highlights structural barriers, such as gender-biased equipment (specifically safety vests) and a highly masculine organizational culture, and recommends improvements in family policy, leadership training, and equipment design. Internationally, the report notes the slow implementation of UNSCR 1325, with women making up only about 1.8% of military personnel in UN peacekeeping missions as of early 2007, and argues that Norway's efforts are critical for supplying female military leaders to the UN system.

This research paper investigates the impact of democracy measurement on the 'democratic peace' proposition, which posits that democracies rarely go to war with one another. The author compares the widely used Polity dataset with Vanhanen's Polyarchy dataset, which uses a simpler index based on electoral competition and participation. Through bivariate and multivariate analyses of conflict data from 1816 to 2002, the study finds that the choice of indicator does matter; specifically, electoral competition appears to be a stronger predictor of peace than the aggregated democracy scores. The author concludes that while different measures often correlate, they are not interchangeable and can lead to different inferences about the causes of international peace.

The document assesses the progress and deadlocks of the Doha Round negotiations as of November 2005. It highlights significant stalemates in agricultural market access, non-agricultural market access (NAMA), and services, while detailing specific disputes over fisheries subsidies, intellectual property rights (TRIPS), and the implementation of special and differential treatment for developing countries. It also reviews the impact of the 2005 expiry of textile and clothing quotas and the ongoing efforts to improve the WTO's Dispute Settlement Understanding.

The document details the evolution of South Africa-Turkey relations, moving from early religious and consular contacts in the 19th century to formal diplomatic ties established in 1992. It examines significant political frictions, including Nelson Mandela's refusal of the Ataturk Peace Prize, disputes over arms sales and human rights, and the sensitive issue of Kurdish separatism. Economically, the report notes a trade balance heavily skewed in South Africa's favour, driven largely by gold and coal exports, and discusses the role of 'Anatolian Tigers' in promoting direct investment. The report concludes with the 2005 visit of Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, which aimed to cement relations and implement Turkey's 'Outreach to Africa' policy.

The document analyzes how EU enlargement affects South Africa's trade positioning, particularly within the WTO and regarding regional African integration. It argues that while enlargement may create short-term opportunities for tariff liberalization, it is likely to strengthen support for the Common Agricultural Policy's domestic subsidies. The authors recommend that South Africa maintain ambition on domestic support in WTO negotiations, pursue a more liberal trade approach toward its own region, and study the EU's enlargement process to inform potential SACU expansion.

A coalition of organizations requests that the Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR) adopt specific transparency measures for trade negotiations, including the timely publication of proposed agreement texts and negotiating proposals on its website to ensure broader public participation and avoid perceived bias.

The report identifies critical environment and security risks in the Southern Caucasus, focusing on environmental degradation in conflict zones, cross-border resource management, and rapid urban growth in capital cities. It details national vulnerabilities in Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia, including Soviet industrial legacies, seismic risks, and water scarcity, while proposing a multi-pillar work programme for vulnerability assessment, policy development, and institutional capacity building.

The report by Friends of the Earth International contends that IFIs, including multilateral development banks and export credit agencies, facilitate a destructive export-led development model. Through various case studies in countries like Peru, Colombia, and the Philippines, the document illustrates how these investments lead to environmental catastrophes, human rights violations, and the marginalization of indigenous peoples and women. It specifically highlights the contradiction between IFI funding of fossil fuels and global climate goals, ultimately recommending a phased withdrawal from extractive sectors in favor of decentralized renewable energy initiatives.

The IFC asserts that the BTC Pipeline and ACG Phase 1 projects comply with its environmental and social safeguard policies, rejecting claims from NGOs that the projects lacked proper alternatives analysis, failed to protect natural habitats, or violated involuntary resettlement and indigenous peoples' policies. The document details the IFC's due diligence, including the use of Resettlement Action Plans (RAPs), the implementation of a US$2.5 million Natural Habitats Offset Program, and the conduct of Multi-stakeholder Forum meetings with over 800 participants. It specifically defends the routing through Georgia's Modified Central Corridor and the use of 'expedited expropriation' under Article 27 of Turkey's Expropriation Act, arguing these measures were necessary and legally sound.

The report critiques the World Bank's renewed focus on high-risk/high-reward projects in extractive industries, forestry, and large dams. It argues that the Bank's history is marked by 'institutional amnesia,' where past failures—such as mass displacement and environmental devastation—are ignored in favor of an 'approval culture' that overstates benefits and understates costs. The authors highlight specific cases like the Sardar Sarovar Dam in India and the Chad-Cameroon pipeline to demonstrate how the poor and the environment bear the risks while private investors reap the rewards. The report recommends a shift toward low-risk, community-driven development and the establishment of reparations for past damages.

The document analyzes the rise of investor-state arbitration under Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs), noting a significant increase in cases compared to NAFTA's Chapter 11. Using ICSID data, it highlights pending cases that challenge government emergency measures in Argentina, tax policies in Burundi, and environmental regulations in Mexico and Peru. It also examines disputes over water privatization in Bolivia and Argentina, and the risks of using opaque, ad-hoc arbitration rules (like UNCITRAL) which can lead to conflicting rulings and a lack of public transparency, potentially undermining the legitimacy of the process and hindering the ability of developing nations to manage foreign investment.

The document examines the proliferation of bilateral and regional investment treaties, highlighting how they limit the ability of host states to regulate for public health and the environment. It critiques the investor-to-state dispute settlement mechanism for its lack of transparency and the use of 'indirect expropriation' claims to challenge environmental laws. The author recommends that new governance principles for foreign direct investment in hazardous activities ensure public transparency in arbitration, public consultation on host government agreements, and a commitment by companies to abide by evolving environmental and health legislation.

Scientists for Global Responsibility (SGR) opposes the planned US-UK attack on Iraq, citing the lack of UN backing, the potential for massive civilian casualties, and the use of indiscriminate weapons. The statement argues that the war would destabilise the Middle East and suggests that the financial resources required for the conflict would be better spent on global health, debt cancellation, and environmentally-friendly technologies.

The document details the early stages of the Doha Round negotiations on WTO rules, highlighting the friction between developed and developing nations over trade remedies and subsidies. It examines specific proposals to reform anti-dumping procedures, the debate over the 'safe harbour' of OECD export credit standards, and the contentious issue of fisheries subsidies. Additionally, it outlines the effort to balance the proliferation of regional trade agreements with multilateralism, noting a lack of consensus on key definitions and the developmental impact of such agreements.

The report by Friends of the Earth International details 22 campaigns against multinational corporations across various sectors—including mining, oil, logging, and biotechnology—that are accused of destroying biodiversity and harming local communities. It highlights the failure of corporate self-regulation and 'greenwashing' strategies, specifically criticizing the outcomes of the 1992 Rio Earth Summit and the approach of the 2002 Johannesburg World Summit. The document calls for the recognition of 'ecological debt' owed by Northern industrial nations to the Global South and demands a binding legal framework to ensure corporate accountability, including the right of communities to be consulted and to receive compensation for damages.

The report outlines key observations from a virtual consultation on sustainable development partnerships, emphasizing that success depends on a compelling motive, shared vision, and the ability to move from information sharing to action. It identifies various partnership typologies—including public education, issues-based, community development, and resource management—and highlights the critical need for equitable treatment of southern partners. The document argues for a shift from 'short burst project funding' to sustained support and notes a significant gap between local-level success and the ability to influence national or international policy.

The document details the transition of Bulgaria's power sector from a state-monopoly under the National Electric Company (NEC) to a restructured model featuring independent producers and distributors. It highlights the tension between the Bulgarian government's rapid implementation and the IMF/World Bank's preference for a sequenced approach starting with a robust regulatory framework. Key issues include the social burden of rising energy costs on impoverished households, the environmental impact of lignite coal, and the geopolitical pressure from the EU to decommission old nuclear units at Kozloduy NPP.

The survey found that while most non-US export credit agencies claim to consider environmental issues, none had detailed written environmental policies as of September 1998. Australia's EFIC was identified as having the most comprehensive standards due to legal mandates, while Israel's IFTRIC explicitly stated it does not consider environmental issues. Several agencies, including those in France and Germany, began adopting questionnaires in response to a 1998 OECD Resolution.

The report identifies three primary ecosystems driving climate mis- and disinformation: the 'attention economy' of online influencers, state-affiliated networks (specifically Russia), and the fossil fuel lobby. It details how the #ClimateScam hashtag has gained prominence on X, how ad tech companies monetise websites hosting climate denial, how Russian state media instrumentalises climate topics for geopolitical influence, and how fossil fuel companies use Facebook advertising for greenwashing. The document argues that these efforts undermine the public mandate for Net Zero and calls for structural changes to digital platform incentives and greater transparency in ad tech.

The document examines the challenges of accounting for fossil CO2 used in non-permanent products (like plastics and fuels) in the EU ETS. It compares a 'final emitter pays' (downstream) approach, which avoids double pricing but risks emissions leakage, against a 'capture installation pays' (upstream) approach, which is the current system but risks double pricing if MWI is included. The authors recommend including MWI in the ETS by 2028 and suggest specific safeguards for either accounting path to maintain environmental integrity.