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The report details how the Committee on the Rights of the Child (CRC) integrates climate change into its monitoring of the International Convention on the Rights of the Child (ICRC). It analyzes the CRC's use of General Comments, State reporting procedures, and the communications procedure to hold States accountable for protecting children from climate harms. Key findings highlight a growing trend of climate-related recommendations, particularly for Small Island Developing States (SIDS) and Least Developed Countries (LDCs), and a strong emphasis on children's procedural rights to participation and education. The document also notes a landmark 2019 Joint Statement by five human rights treaty bodies asserting that failure to prevent foreseeable climate-related human rights harm could constitute a violation of State obligations.

The report examines how different climate funds can be combined to achieve results that exceed the capacity of any single mechanism. It identifies several types of synergies, including the scaling up of pilots, continuity of action, and the blending of qualitatively different financial instruments (e.g., grants and loans). The analysis highlights that while convergence of funding is common, synergies are often hindered by administrative misalignments, such as diverging approval processes and time gaps between project phases. Key drivers for success include strong national coordination, the use of country investment plans, and the role of 'local champions' and Direct Access Entities. The report recommends strengthening country-driven investment planning, harmonizing fund procedures, and improving cross-fund information sharing to maximize the effectiveness of climate finance.

Mexico ranks last among G20 OECD member countries in the G20 Scorecard of Fossil Fuel Funding, with an overall score of 48/100. Between 2017 and 2019, Mexico provided an average of USD 29.9 billion in total government support to fossil fuels, dominated by USD 13.3 billion in annual state-owned enterprise (SOE) investments via PEMEX. While overall support decreased by 21% relative to the 2014–2016 average—driven by a 37% drop in SOE investment—support for fossil fuel-based power increased by 17% due to higher electricity price support. Additionally, the government provided a USD 3 billion tax break on oil extraction to offset COVID-19 related oil price drops.

Turkey ranks last among G20 OECD member countries in fossil fuel funding, providing an average of USD 6.8 billion in total government support between 2017 and 2019. While state-owned enterprise investment in oil and gas production decreased by 33% compared to the 2014–2016 average, support for fossil fuel consumption increased by 11% through tax expenditures. The document highlights significant transparency gaps, noting that Turkey has not performed the G20 fossil fuel subsidy peer review and lacks data on public financing from government-owned banks.

The document analyzes the scale and nature of food export restrictions during the COVID-19 crisis compared to the 2007/08 period. It finds that while 22 countries imposed restrictions in 2020, the overall impact on globally traded calories and monetary value is significantly lower than in 2008. The brief notes that current food availability challenges are driven more by logistical disruptions than the supply shortages and high energy prices that characterized the previous crisis.

The document examines the impact of COVID-19-related food export restrictions on vulnerable importing nations. It identifies high-risk areas in Central Asia, North Africa, the Middle East, and sub-Saharan Africa, noting that many affected countries already suffer from high undernourishment and calorie production deficits. The authors argue that because global food stocks remain plentiful, countries should refrain from banning staple food exports to prevent hunger and potential famines.

The G20 Scorecard evaluates OECD and non-OECD members across seven criteria related to fossil fuel funding, including transparency, pledges, and the scale of support for coal, oil, gas, and power generation. It ranks countries such as Germany, France, and Brazil at the top of their respective groups, while others like the United States and Saudi Arabia receive lower scores in multiple categories.

The United Kingdom ranks last among G20 OECD member countries in the G20 Scorecard of Fossil Fuel Funding, with an overall score of 48/100. While overall support decreased by 21% compared to 20142016, the U.K. saw a 96% increase in public finance for fossil fuels and an 86% increase in support for coal production. The U.K. provides USD 9.2 billion annually in support for fossil fuel consumers through foregone tax revenue and has faced criticism for a lack of transparency regarding its export credit agency, UKEF, and its denial of providing fossil fuel subsidies under its own definitions.

The report analyzes the fragmented state of Libya, characterized by a stalemate between General Khalifa Haftar's Libyan National Army (LNA) and the UN-recognized Government of National Accord (GNA). It details how the conflict has evolved into a proxy war involving regional powers like Turkey, Egypt, the UAE, and Russia, and examines the resulting humanitarian crises, including mass migration and the resurgence of jihadist networks. Additionally, it highlights the geopolitical tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean triggered by a maritime delimitation agreement between Turkey and the GNA.

The report analyzes the failure of diplomatic efforts in Syria, including the Geneva and Astana processes, and maps the fragmented nature of the Syrian Sunni opposition. It details how external actors—primarily Russia, Turkey, and Iran—have established spheres of influence and proxy networks that complicate a sustainable political transition. The authors argue that the peace process has been largely detached from the Syrian people, exacerbated by the rise of extremist groups, the Kurdish issue, and a severe economic crisis compounded by COVID-19.

The report argues that a settlement of the Cyprus problem would significantly boost the island's economy by creating economies of scale and opening access to the EU and Turkish markets. Using sectoral and total factor productivity (TFP) forecasting, the authors estimate that a solution could increase overall GDP by €11 billion to €17.4 billion over 20 years and raise GDP per capita by €6,800 to €11,000. Key growth sectors include wholesale and retail trade, tourism, construction, and professional services. The report also provides a framework for financing property compensation and emphasizes that closing the gender gap and establishing inclusive institutions are critical for maximizing the peace dividend.

The report argues that a solution to the Cyprus problem would significantly boost the island's economy by expanding market access, increasing productivity, and attracting investment. Using sectoral and total factor productivity (TFP) methodologies, the authors project that a settlement could increase the total GDP by between €11 billion and €17.4 billion over 20 years compared to the status quo. Key growth drivers include tourism, construction, shipping, and professional services. The report also emphasizes that maximizing this dividend requires strong inclusive institutions, technical transition periods, and a concerted effort to close the gender gap in the workforce, particularly in the Turkish Cypriot community. Additionally, it assesses the financial viability of property restitution, suggesting that a significant portion of compensation costs could be covered by the increased state revenues generated by the peace dividend.

The report argues that a political solution to the Cyprus problem would significantly boost the island's economy by creating a unified market, improving productivity, and opening access to the EU and Turkish markets. Using sectoral and Total Factor Productivity (TFP) methodologies, the authors estimate that a solution could increase the total GDP by between 11 billion and 17.4 billion Euros by 2040 compared to the status quo. Key growth drivers include tourism, construction, shipping, and professional services, with wholesale and retail trade expected to benefit most from chain effects. The report also emphasizes that maximizing this dividend requires strong institutions, gender equality, and a sustainable financing model for property compensation.

The 'science oath for the climate' is a pledge signed by nearly 600 scientists and engineers to act against catastrophic climate disruption. Signatories commit to communicating scientific evidence without compromise, resisting political or economic pragmatism when discussing the 1.5°C and 2°C Paris Agreement targets, and reducing their own carbon emissions. The document includes a comprehensive list of signatories from various global academic and professional institutions.

The author argues that while the EU views renewable energy as a path to energy security and industrial strength, it currently lacks a clear objective or blueprint for its future integrated energy system. This absence of a systemic plan creates domestic risks, such as redundant spending and political friction between Western and Eastern member states, and external vulnerabilities in the face of competition from China and the US. The text suggests that the EU must integrate its energy, infrastructure, and industrial policies to secure critical materials and market share, potentially utilizing the European Green Deal and the Just Transition Fund to mitigate internal disparities.

The author argues that EU enlargement in the Western Balkans has stalled due to a 'dull reality' where local leaders benefit from the status quo and the EU lacks the political will or understanding to enforce genuine rule of law. The Berlin Process is critiqued as a 'plan B' that prioritised technical compliance over substantive reform. The document highlights specific failures in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Serbia, North Macedonia, Kosovo, and Albania, while warning that an economic and strategic vacuum is being filled by China, Russia, Turkey, and the USA. It further expresses concern over Croatia's 2020 EU presidency given its nationalist tendencies and strained relations with neighbours.

The report finds that China is driving the growth of the global coal fleet, adding 42.9 GW between January 2018 and June 2019 while the rest of the world's capacity decreased by 8.1 GW. This growth is largely attributed to a provincial permitting surge between 2014 and 2016, which created a pipeline of projects that the central government has struggled to restrict. Despite a recent slowdown in new proposals and permits, China has 147.7 GW of capacity either under construction or likely to be revived. The report concludes that to keep global warming well below 2°C, China would need to reduce its coal capacity to 600 GW or less by 2030, a target that contradicts industry proposals to increase the national coal power cap to between 1,200 and 1,400 GW by 2035.

Political scientist Félix Blanc argues that the EU lacks a unified security voice and remains overly dependent on the US, particularly regarding nuclear deterrence and military infrastructure. He contends that current initiatives like the European Defence Fund and the military mobility plan risk reinforcing this dependence rather than fostering strategic autonomy. Blanc proposes a Franco-German led initiative for nuclear disarmament and the creation of a new collective security architecture based on multilateralism and preventive disarmament to address threats from Russia, China, and regional instabilities.

The report analyzes how the AKP government has shifted Turkish foreign policy toward a more proactive, ideologically driven approach that leverages historical, cultural, and religious ties to expand regional influence. It examines the role of institutions like the Presidency for Turks Abroad and Related Communities (YTB) and the Diyanet in managing these relations. Through case studies in Bulgaria, Germany, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Greece, Cyprus, and Palestine, the document illustrates how this 'kin-state' politics often leads to the instrumentalization of religion, the exportation of domestic political conflicts, and tensions with host countries, while sometimes being perceived by the target communities as paternalistic or colonizing.

The document is a formal petition by sixteen children from various countries against five states, alleging that their failure to mitigate climate change violates the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. It details specific harms faced by the petitioners—including extreme heat, wildfires, and sea-level rise—and argues that the respondents' current emission pathways are inconsistent with the 1.5°C goal of the Paris Agreement. The petitioners request that the Committee recognize climate change as a children's rights crisis and recommend that the respondent states accelerate mitigation efforts and prioritize the best interests of children.