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The briefing examines the precarious state of elections in West Africa in 2015, highlighting how insurgency in Nigeria, constitutional disputes in Togo, electoral list controversies in Benin, fragile security in Côte d’Ivoire, funding gaps in Burkina Faso, and the Ebola crisis in Guinea threaten the legitimacy and stability of the democratic process.

The 10th GCF Board meeting resulted in the accreditation of 13 new entities, including the World Bank and Deutsche Bank, despite civil society opposition. The Board approved a US$200 million pilot for Enhanced Direct Access, alongside other pilots for MSMEs and resource mobilization. Additionally, US$2.5 million was allocated for readiness support in nine countries, and the Fund's total signed contributions reached US$5.47 billion.

The document provides a practitioner-focused guide to securing community land rights in Africa, detailing case studies on resolving land conflicts, strengthening local governance, and resisting forced resettlement. It emphasizes the importance of community self-definition, the use of Biocultural Community Protocols, and the necessity of multi-pronged advocacy strategies involving legal education, media engagement, and the building of alliances between grassroots movements and sympathetic government actors.

The report examines the intersection of energy poverty and gender inequality in West Africa, highlighting how socially determined roles lead to differential access to and use of energy services. It identifies significant barriers for women in the energy workforce and entrepreneurship, including gaps in STEM education and limited access to land and finance. The document assesses the existing regional and national policy landscapes, noting a general lack of gender-disaggregated data and limited collaboration between energy and gender ministries. It argues for a gender-responsive approach to energy planning to maximize the impact of interventions and achieve universal energy access by 2030.

The document examines the political vacuum created by the departure of Blaise Compaoré, who served as both a mediator and a source of instability in West Africa for 27 years. It analyzes his specific influence in Togo, Côte d’Ivoire, and Mali, as well as his role in negotiating the release of Western hostages from Islamist groups in the Sahel. The author suggests that while no single leader can replace Compaoré's personal networks, his exit provides an opportunity for ECOWAS to strengthen its institutional conflict resolution mechanisms.

The report examines the political impasse in Togo ahead of the 2015 elections, highlighting the failure to implement the 2006 Global Political Agreement. It details the dominance of the Union for the Republic (UNIR) party, the fragmentation of the opposition, and the perceived bias of electoral institutions. Additionally, it addresses underlying socio-economic tensions and the role of the international community in attempting to mediate the crisis.

The policy brief argues that Nigeria is experiencing a self-inflicted decline in its diplomatic standing within Africa. Despite being the continent's nominally largest economy as of May 2014, Nigeria's foreign policy is described as inchoate and ambiguous, hampered by a 'perverse hiatus' between its domestic ecology—marked by corruption and the Boko Haram insurgency—and its international ambitions. The author contends that Nigeria has lost its pre-eminence in Africa, failing to command respect even within ECOWAS and falling behind South Africa in governance and infrastructure. The document recommends that Nigeria prioritize domestic stability, clean government, and a recomposed social contract to restore its leadership role.

The paper argues that elections in Africa often trigger instability because they are primarily viewed as a means of accessing state resources. It suggests that stability requires 'inclusive political settlements' and a move away from 'electoral autocracy' where elections are used to consolidate power. The author emphasizes the need for credible Election Management Bodies (EMBs), legitimate domestic observation, and inclusive mediation mechanisms involving civil society and traditional leaders to prevent violence.

The paper examines why elections in Africa often trigger violence and fail to legitimise power, attributing this to high stakes regarding access to state resources. It argues that technical fixes are insufficient and that stability requires inclusive political settlements, credible election management bodies (EMBs), and robust domestic observation and mediation systems involving civil society and traditional leaders.

The document examines the evolution of democratic governance in Africa from the OAU era to the AU era, focusing on the APRM and ACDEG. It argues that while the continent has shifted from 'politics of the bullet' to 'politics of the ballot', significant challenges remain, including 'illiberal democracies' and slow implementation of governance reviews. The author advocates for stronger synergies between the African Governance Architecture (AGA) and the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), increased domestic funding for National Programmes of Action (NPoAs), and a balanced role for non-state actors to prevent 'state capture' of these initiatives.

The document evaluates the African Union's (AU) efforts to promote democracy through electoral perspectives, arguing that while AU declarations have positively influenced the electoral landscape, elections often remain 'democratic liabilities' rather than assets. It identifies key setbacks including the resurgence of military coups, tenure elongation (the 'third term agenda'), and the refusal of incumbents to concede power. The author critiques AU election monitoring for being undermined by poor field coverage, a short-term focus on election-day events, and a tendency to be less critical of incumbents seeking re-election. The paper concludes that AU reports lack legal force and often conflict with domestic observer findings, necessitating a shift toward long-term monitoring and stronger collaboration with local civil society.

The document warns that Togo faces a potential election crisis if the 2006 Global Political Agreement (GPA) reforms are not consensually implemented. Despite dialogue led by Archbishop Nicodème Barrigah and US Ambassador Robert Whitehead, fundamental disputes remain over the composition of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), electoral boundaries, the voting system, and presidential term limits. The July 2013 parliamentary elections exacerbated tensions, as the ruling Union for the Republic (UNIR) won an absolute majority of 62 out of 91 seats despite receiving fewer total votes (880,000) than the combined opposition (900,000). The author argues that without urgent intervention from national actors and international facilitators like Burkina Faso's President Blaise Compaoré, the opposition may resort to street protests.

The document analyzes state fragility in Africa as a self-reinforcing syndrome driven by poor governance, conflict, inequality, and poverty. Using the International Futures system, it forecasts that while 16 of the 26 identified fragile countries may transition toward resilience by 2050, ten are at risk of remaining in a 'fragility trap'. The authors emphasize that while Africa's overall economy is projected to grow significantly, the gap in extreme poverty between fragile and resilient states is expected to widen unless inclusive growth and improved governance are achieved.

The document analyzes the shift from traditional official development assistance (ODA) and commercial bank lending toward alternative financing for infrastructure in Africa. It highlights the role of Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs), blending finance, and institutional investors like pension funds and sovereign wealth funds. A significant portion of the text focuses on the SADC Regional Infrastructure Development Master Plan (RIDMP), which requires an estimated $500 billion in capital, and the systemic challenges facing the region, including underdeveloped financial markets and high utility tariffs.

The policy briefing addresses the declining momentum of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and its National Programmes of Action (NPOA). It identifies causes for this decline, such as lack of interest from heads of state and insufficient financial support, and proposes reviving the process by integrating NPOA into National Developmental Plans (NDPs) and collaborating with African Union organs and regional economic communities.

The document examines the role of African states in the global nuclear security framework, specifically focusing on the transition from the Nuclear Security Summit process to the IAEA's leadership. It highlights the limited representation of African nations at summits but notes their substantive contributions through treaty ratification and regional cooperation. The brief recommends that African states develop a unified perspective for upcoming international conferences and strengthen domestic legislation to align with global safety and security standards.

The report finds that while global economic impacts of market-based measures (MBMs) for international aviation and shipping are small, effects vary significantly by country. Small, remote island states dependent on air tourism, such as Samoa, face the highest GDP risks, while large economies like China and India experience minimal impacts. The study concludes that MBM revenues and increased demand for Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) offsets can be used to mitigate these undesired economic effects.

The report identifies a 'syndrome of fragility' in Africa driven by the interaction of poor governance, conflict, inequality, and poverty. Using the International Futures (IFs) system, it forecasts that while 16 of the 26 identified 'more fragile' states could transition toward resilience by 2050, ten countries—including the DRC, Somalia, and South Sudan—are at risk of remaining in a fragility trap. The analysis warns that climate change and democratic deficits could exacerbate these risks, and recommends long-term national development plans, extractive sector reform, and direct cash transfers to the poor to pivot toward a more optimistic future.

The document describes a planned conference, 'The APRM +10: Reviewing a Decade of Peer Learning and Projecting a Future of Governance in Africa', to be held in Addis Ababa in May 2013. It seeks to evaluate the APRM's progress since its 2003 establishment, specifically focusing on the implementation of National Programmes of Action (NPoAs) and the role of civil society in holding member states accountable. The briefing highlights the tension between the voluntary nature of the APRM and the compulsory nature of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG), while calling for better synergies between the APRM and other AU organs, such as the Pan African Parliament and the Peace and Security Commission.

The report documents IISD's contributions to the UN Internet Governance Forum (IGF) from 2008 to 2011. It details workshops that explored the co-evolution of Internet governance and global challenges, the development of indicators to measure the impact of ICTs on sustainable development, and the use of scenarios planning to anticipate future technological and social shifts. The document emphasizes the need for a broader multistakeholder approach that includes non-technical sectors—such as health, education, and environment—and highlights the importance of regional and national dialogue over purely global processes. It concludes with a toolkit of evidence- and consent-based tools for practitioners to facilitate public policy dialogue.