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The document presents the Transnational Climate Impacts (TCI) Index, which measures country-level exposure to climate risks transmitted across borders. It identifies four primary risk pathways—biophysical, finance, people, and trade—and argues that globalization makes even wealthy, low-vulnerability countries susceptible to transnational climate shocks. The authors advocate for integrating these risks into national adaptation plans and UNFCCC processes to enhance global cooperation and adaptation finance.

The IMF's October 2015 Regional Economic Outlook for Sub-Saharan Africa describes a 'gloomy picture' for the region driven by falling commodity and oil prices, high energy costs, and a weak global financial environment. South Africa is highlighted as having the worst growth projection among its middle-income peers, with its economic performance hindered by critical electricity supply failures, poor export growth despite currency depreciation, and social unrest. The IMF recommends fiscal adjustments, currency depreciation, and long-term investments in productivity-enhancing infrastructure and education to counter these trends.

The document outlines five key conclusions for developing countries creating INDCs: treating them as political statements, establishing clear structures, leveraging existing policies, conducting broad consultations, and planning for implementation. It emphasizes the need to balance ambition with feasibility, often through a combination of unilateral and conditional contributions, while aligning climate actions with national development priorities and Sustainable Development Goals.

The report argues that carefully designed investment contracts can bridge gaps in national legislation to ensure that large-scale agricultural investments in developing countries promote sustainable development. Drawing on research from UNCTAD and the World Bank, it identifies five key benefits—such as job creation and the integration of local farmers—and five primary risks, including land loss and poor environmental management. The document outlines a three-stage contractual process (preparation, negotiation, and monitoring) and provides specific legal options, such as 'satellite plantation' clauses and community development agreements, to ensure investors meet their social and environmental obligations.

The report analyzes the impact of large-scale agricultural investments in developing countries, identifying five key positive outcomes and five primary downsides. It argues that while domestic laws are the best foundation, investment contracts can fill regulatory gaps to ensure responsible conduct. The authors propose a three-stage contracting process—preparation, negotiation, and monitoring—and provide specific legal options to embed social, environmental, and economic safeguards into these agreements to prevent project failure and community conflict.

The report outlines the priorities for the June 2015 AU summit, noting that the official theme of women's empowerment is likely to be overshadowed by urgent crises. Key concerns include the high death toll of African migrants crossing the Mediterranean from Libya, xenophobic violence in South Africa, and the instability in Burundi caused by President Pierre Nkurunziza's third-term bid. It also examines the AU's role in mediating conflicts in South Sudan and Libya, the challenges of establishing an African Standby Force, and the broader struggle for continental economic and political integration.

The policy brief examines the link between presidential term extensions and political instability in Africa, citing coups in Burkina Faso and Burundi as evidence. It argues that the African Union (AU) has been too reactive, focusing on suspending governments after coups rather than preventing the constitutional manipulations that trigger them. The author calls for the AU to formalize presidential term limits within its governance architecture, specifically suggesting amendments to the AU Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance. The brief recommends that 'anchor states' like South Africa, Nigeria, and Kenya use preventive diplomacy to discourage term extensions, noting that such practices undermine the goals of Agenda 2063 and regional security.

The report examines the intersection of energy poverty and gender inequality in West Africa, highlighting how socially determined roles lead to differential access to and use of energy services. It identifies significant barriers for women in the energy workforce and entrepreneurship, including gaps in STEM education and limited access to land and finance. The document assesses the existing regional and national policy landscapes, noting a general lack of gender-disaggregated data and limited collaboration between energy and gender ministries. It argues for a gender-responsive approach to energy planning to maximize the impact of interventions and achieve universal energy access by 2030.

The document analyzes a growing trend among African leaders to prioritize 'traditional values' and 'sovereignty' over universal human rights, often using anti-imperialist rhetoric to shield themselves from accountability. It highlights the role of CSOs in fighting this regressive shift, specifically regarding LGBTI rights, corruption, and the International Criminal Court (ICC), while noting that these organisations face increasing government harassment and restrictive legislation.

The document argues that successful climate diplomacy for LDCs requires integrating climate change as a core national interest, mainstreaming it into development planning, and strategically engaging the media. It highlights the Gambia's appointment of its first special climate envoy in 2013 as a step toward building the capacity to influence international negotiations, such as those leading to the 2015 global climate agreement. The brief emphasizes that domestic political consensus and institutional reform are prerequisites for diplomats to effectively link national priorities with global climate regimes.

The paper examines the tension between 'positive' and 'negative' governance values in Africa. While the African Union has established comprehensive frameworks like the APRM and ACDEG to promote transparency, accountability, and human rights, the author argues that a lack of political will and moral leadership hinders their implementation. The document highlights persistent issues such as systemic corruption, political clientelism, the marginalisation of women, and electoral manipulation, while noting that a small group of countries has made significant progress toward democratic governance.

The document outlines the evolution of weADAPT from its 2007 launch as wikiADAPT, detailing the transition from a simple wiki to a sophisticated knowledge platform. It highlights the critical role of trust, long-standing relationships, and face-to-face engagement in overcoming barriers to knowledge-sharing. Key technical improvements discussed include semantic tagging for better searchability, a user-friendly editing interface, and the creation of the Google Earth Adaptation Layer for spatial case studies. The authors argue that a successful platform must move beyond simple information supply to support actual decision-making through tools and a distributed ownership model involving expert Knowledge Partners.

The document outlines a hybrid monitoring and evaluation (M&E) framework used by the Climate and Development Knowledge Network (CDKN) to track the effectiveness of its Negotiations Support programme. Because international climate negotiations are complex and non-linear, CDKN moved away from traditional linear causal chains toward 'outcome mapping,' which focuses on behavioral changes in 'boundary partners' (negotiators and delegations). The framework uses five 'Dimensions of Change' as proxies for outcome challenges, with specific 'progress markers' categorized by ambition: 'expect to see', 'like to see', and 'love to see'. Early results indicate that change was observed across all five dimensions, with the most significant progress in negotiator capacity and coordination. The paper argues that while direct attribution of negotiation successes to specific interventions is difficult and politically sensitive, this approach allows for the identification of 'plausible contributions'.

The paper introduces the Climate Resilience Mainstreaming Building Block (CRMBB) framework, which guides government planners in integrating climate resilience into policy objectives, spatial scales, and temporal planning cycles. It identifies three primary policy responses: climate-proofing, climate-first, and development-first. The CRMBB framework consists of three building blocks: an enabling environment (political will and information services), policy and planning (policy frameworks, institutional arrangements, and financial frameworks), and projects and programmes. Case studies from Bangladesh, Cambodia, Laos, Kenya, The Gambia, and Rwanda demonstrate a trend toward country-led, programmatic approaches over externally driven, project-based initiatives.

The report argues that avoiding dangerous climate change requires a sophisticated international regime combining top-down UNFCCC direction with broad bottom-up action. It identifies climate diplomacy as the critical interface between national interest debates and international cooperation, requiring three core capabilities: 'knowing yourself' (understanding national interests), 'knowing the other' (analyzing other actors' constraints), and the 'capacity to influence' (integrating priorities into diplomatic channels). The authors highlight that most countries have not yet sufficiently embedded climate change into their 'whole of government' decision-making machinery, often leaving it siloed in environment ministries. The document outlines the evolution of the climate regime from narrow UNFCCC negotiations to a broader system including the G20, Major Economies Forum, and security councils, while emphasizing the need for strategic confidence-building and the use of 'unusual alliances' to overcome political stalemates.

The document outlines how climate diplomacy can advance multilateral action beyond the UNFCCC and identifies barriers and strategies for countries, especially LDCs, to build their diplomatic capacity. It recommends a 'whole-government approach' to integrate climate change across ministries and the development of specialized skills for diplomats and climate experts.

The report examines the vulnerability of Senegal to religious radicalism and terrorism, particularly in the context of the conflict in Mali. While the majority of Senegalese citizens and traditional Sufi brotherhoods are viewed as a shield against extremism, the study identifies a growing minority of youth and 'reformist' movements influenced by Salafism and Wahhabism. These groups often express anti-Western sentiments and hostility toward traditional brotherhoods. The report highlights the risk posed by a dual educational system and the 'Islamisation of political contestation,' recommending a multidisciplinary approach to security and a national dialogue on education to mitigate the risk of radicalisation.

The report evaluates the Gambia's efforts to mainstream climate change resilience into its development planning. It highlights the existence of high-level political will, the integration of climate actions into the Programme for Accelerated Growth and Employment (PAGE) 2012–2015, and the role of the National Adaptation Programme of Action (NAPA). However, it notes gaps in coordinated research and inadequate funding for adaptation, necessitating a resource mobilisation strategy reliant on international assistance.

The research paper analyzes Senegal's strategic relationship with Guinea-Bissau from 2000 to 2012. It argues that under President Abdoulaye Wade, Senegal exercised a policy of patronage and influence over its smaller neighbor to secure military cooperation against the Mouvement des forces démocratiques de Casamance (MFDC). This influence was built on Senegal's relative economic power, diplomatic networks, and direct financial support to Guinean leaders and military officials. However, the document notes a decline in Senegalese influence after 2009 due to the deaths of key allies and the emergence of Angola as a primary diplomatic and financial partner for Guinea-Bissau.

The document analyzes Senegal's foreign policy since 2000, noting a transition from 'classic' diplomacy to a 'technicized' approach where the Ministry of Foreign Affairs lost its monopoly to specialized ministries and non-state actors. It highlights the 'hyper-power' of the presidency, the marginalization of the legislative and judicial branches, and a strategic shift toward emerging economic partners like China and Dubai. The paper concludes that while President Abdoulaye Wade's tenure was marked by high personalization and pan-Africanist ambitions, the 2012 election of Macky Sall signaled a return to more traditional diplomatic relations, particularly with France and neighboring states.