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The study finds that sexual violence in Tahrir Square was more likely to occur during large, static protests and less likely during transient demonstrations. The author identifies a shift from single-perpetrator to multiple-perpetrator assaults, specifically the 'circle of hell' phenomenon, suggesting a learned behavioral pattern or strategy. While the study found no statistically significant link between the specific political aim of a protest (anti-regime or anti-military) and the occurrence of sexual violence in the main model, it highlights the historical use of sexual violence as a tool of repression by the Egyptian state.

The report analyzes Sweden's 2017–2018 term on the UN Security Council, examining how a small state can influence the body's outcomes regarding Women, Peace and Security (WPS). It details Sweden's strategic approach—rooted in its feminist foreign policy—to move WPS from a thematic 'add-on' to 'core Council business' by integrating actionable language into regular resolutions, particularly those concerning peacekeeping and political mission mandates. The authors provide a framework for assessing the impact of elected members (E10) through criteria of frequency, clarity, and priority of resolution language, while outlining the tactical maneuvering required to navigate P5 power dynamics and UNSC working methods.

The briefing argues that biological weapons remain a viable and rational strategic option for some states due to their low cost, potential for deniability, and asymmetric impact. It challenges the notion that these weapons are tactically useless or too risky to develop, noting that historical precedents and the COVID-19 pandemic demonstrate that leaders may prioritize state status or regime survival over the risks of blowback. The authors further contend that bioweapons programs are not always top-down initiatives and that current international norms, specifically the Biological Weapons Convention, lack the enforcement and verification mechanisms necessary to effectively stop such programs.

The document argues that women's inclusion in peace processes increases the likelihood of reaching and sustaining agreements, though global participation rates remain low. It identifies three prerequisites for substantive representation: a specific agenda, access to the process, and advocacy by powerful actors. The briefing details various modes of inclusion, noting that independent women-only delegations are more effective than observer status, and outlines systemic barriers including cultural norms, economic constraints, and higher participation criteria imposed by mediators.

The document argues that while a 'grand theory' of migration does not exist, researchers can use 'theoretical triangulation' to formulate testable propositions. It presents ten such propositions covering the roles of pre-existing connections, social networks, involuntary immobility, resource constraints, environmental stress, violent conflict, economic development, development aid, and the effectiveness and unintended consequences of migration policies.

The research paper examines the relationship between climate change and global instability, asserting that while climate change may not cause conflict in isolation, it intensifies problems like food and water insecurity, economic loss, and ethnic tensions. It highlights that the risk of conflict is heavily dependent on regional sociopolitical contexts, such as government corruption and historical grievances. The document also notes a correlation in the U.S. between residents of disaster-prone areas and higher levels of concern regarding climate change, suggesting that these insights should inform government policies on mitigation and conflict prevention.

The report analyzes the 2018 HRC records of 13 African states, finding a general unwillingness to defend international human rights and a significant lack of unity in voting. Tunisia, Côte d’Ivoire, and Rwanda showed the strongest commitment, while Burundi, Egypt, and Ethiopia were the most opposed. The analysis highlights a discrepancy between domestic freedom ratings and HRC performance, noting that domestic records are weak predictors of how states vote on the Council.

The document argues that the post-WWII multilateral order is fragmenting, leaving Europe vulnerable to the influence of China and Russia and the unpredictability of US policy. The author proposes a 'networked foreign policy' and 'European strategic sovereignty' to reduce dependencies and preserve EU values. This approach emphasizes the need for Europe to act as a unified geopolitical player, investing in its own technological capabilities (such as 5G and semiconductors) and safeguarding public goods like health and climate protection. The author specifically calls for the EU to reduce reliance on foreign medical supplies and to resist the dominance of US and Chinese tech giants through stronger regulation and a pro-European anti-trust policy.

The report provides a case study of the Fuouaris Upload network, a pro-ISIS ecosystem on Facebook that used account hijacking, content masking, and coordinated 'raids' to spread propaganda. Between April 7 and July 3, 2020, researchers tracked 288 accounts, finding that a core group of 90 was controlled by a single user, Luqmen Ben Tachafin. The network expanded to SoundCloud and utilized multilingual communities (including Indonesian, Somali, and Albanian) to bypass moderation. The report highlights the use of COVID-19 narratives to celebrate death tolls and the exploitation of virtual phone number apps to hijack accounts, arguing that Facebook's reliance on AI and hashing is insufficient without 'street level' understanding of extremist tactics.

The report finds that 1.61 billion children lived in conflict-affected countries in 2019, with 426 million residing in specific conflict zones (within 50 km of fighting). Africa has the highest absolute number of affected children, while the Middle East has the highest proportional share. The number of children in conflict zones has generally increased since the 1990s, with millions exposed to continuous conflict throughout their childhood.

The document highlights significant gaps in development finance, noting that general environment protection receives only 2% of total disbursements. It examines how the European refugee crisis impacted donor budgets, the difficulty of tracking finance for specific agendas like sustainable oceans, and the lack of data disaggregation by some donors. Additionally, it identifies a notably lower disbursement ratio for climate finance compared to general development aid, suggesting systemic implementation challenges.

The authors argue that COVID-19 and climate change are direct threats to U.S. national security and act as 'threat multipliers' that amplify geostrategic competition and local conflicts. They contend that the U.S. should not simply reallocate funds away from national defense but instead expand the defense toolkit to include biodefense, climate adaptation for military bases, and support for international cooperation to prevent the collapse of global governance systems.

The report finds that the UK military-industrial sector is a significant source of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, estimating a total carbon footprint of 11 million tonnes of CO2 equivalent for UK military spending in 2018. It criticizes the Ministry of Defence (MOD) for selective reporting, noting that figures in the main text of annual reports cover less than one-third of total direct emissions. Beyond climate impacts, the document highlights a poor record in managing radioactive waste from nuclear submarines and warheads, and warns of catastrophic global cooling and famine should the UK launch its nuclear weapons. The author argues that only a fundamental shift in security strategy—away from long-range force projection toward territorial defence and human security—can align the military sector with climate goals.

Turkey's response to COVID-19 combined travel restrictions, selective lockdowns, and high testing capacity, supported by a young population and a developed healthcare system. However, the document notes that official statistics may be unreliable due to limited freedom of expression and government control over information. Vulnerable groups, including migrants and the Kurdish population in the southeast, faced specific challenges regarding healthcare access and information dissemination. Economically, the government implemented a USD 15.4 billion stimulus package to mitigate the pandemic's impact and stabilize the economy.

The document analyzes the scale and nature of food export restrictions during the COVID-19 crisis compared to the 2007/08 period. It finds that while 22 countries imposed restrictions in 2020, the overall impact on globally traded calories and monetary value is significantly lower than in 2008. The brief notes that current food availability challenges are driven more by logistical disruptions than the supply shortages and high energy prices that characterized the previous crisis.

The report analyzes the failure of diplomatic efforts in Syria, including the Geneva and Astana processes, and maps the fragmented nature of the Syrian Sunni opposition. It details how external actors—primarily Russia, Turkey, and Iran—have established spheres of influence and proxy networks that complicate a sustainable political transition. The authors argue that the peace process has been largely detached from the Syrian people, exacerbated by the rise of extremist groups, the Kurdish issue, and a severe economic crisis compounded by COVID-19.

The research examines how the effect of anomalous rainfall (excess and scarce) on violent, state-based conflict varies based on societal vulnerability factors. Using a causal forest model on global grid-cell data, the author finds that while rainfall variability generally has a small effect on conflict, this effect is context-specific. Scarce rainfall is more likely to increase conflict risk in communities with high agricultural employment and poor governance (low SHDI and GDP). Excess rainfall's effect is more complex, showing higher risk in areas with high population density, low globalization, low democracy, and low GDP, but contrary to expectations, it showed smaller effects in areas with high political exclusion or greater distance to the capital.

The SDG16DI 2020 Global Report argues that official data from National Statistical Offices (NSOs) are often insufficient, unreliable, or unavailable for monitoring SDG16 targets, particularly regarding conflict-related deaths, corruption, and press freedom. It highlights the critical role of 'non-official data'—produced by NGOs and academic institutions—in filling these gaps. The report provides case studies on sex-disaggregated data for violent deaths, trade-related illicit financial flows in developing nations, corruption and vote-buying in Latin America and the Caribbean, and the use of expert-based indices to measure representative decision-making. It also notes that the COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated governance challenges while simultaneously reducing the capacity of NSOs to collect data.

Political scientist Félix Blanc argues that the EU lacks a unified security voice and remains overly dependent on the US, particularly regarding nuclear deterrence and military infrastructure. He contends that current initiatives like the European Defence Fund and the military mobility plan risk reinforcing this dependence rather than fostering strategic autonomy. Blanc proposes a Franco-German led initiative for nuclear disarmament and the creation of a new collective security architecture based on multilateralism and preventive disarmament to address threats from Russia, China, and regional instabilities.

The document argues that while the world faces unprecedented security risks from climate change, it also possesses unprecedented foresight through predictive modeling. However, a 'governance gap' exists because this information is not effectively translated for security decision-makers or aligned with security policy timelines. To address this, the authors propose the R2P2 framework, which consists of three principles: Assessment & Anticipation (creating a global climate security assessment hub), Elevation & Translation (establishing leadership by security practitioners to brief decision-makers), and Coordination & Alignment (bridging climate and security policy windows).