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The document explores the 'humanitarian drone' as a 'war dividend' from military spending, arguing that the transfer of UAV hardware—including surveillance, cargo, and weaponized drones—also transfers military rationales such as 'surgical precision' and 'targeting logic' into the humanitarian sector. The authors warn that the push for humanitarian drones is driven by a commercial logic to gain legitimacy for the UAV industry and may lead to the dehumanization of suffering or a lowered threshold for the use of force through 'humanitarian combat drones.' While drones offer potential for improved aid delivery and crisis mapping, the paper emphasizes that technology is not neutral and cannot replace the empathy and ethical judgment essential to humanitarian work.

The document evaluates South Africa's engagement with the UN Security Council (UNSC) during its 2011–12 term, focusing on the tension between its stated human rights commitments and its preference for 'quiet diplomacy' and mediation. It highlights the successful promotion of the 'African Agenda' through Resolution 2033, which strengthened ties between the UNSC and the African Union (AU). However, the analysis reveals inconsistencies in voting patterns regarding Libya and Syria, suggesting that South Africa's multiple multilateral affiliations—including BRICS and IBSA—create competing priorities that complicate its foreign-policy execution.

The document examines Brazil's shift in foreign policy from traditional non-intervention toward a more active role in UN peacekeeping and the development of the 'Responsibility while Protecting' (RwP) concept. It argues that these diplomatic shifts are driven by Brazil's ambition to secure a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. The author analyzes the practical application of 'non-indifference' in Haiti and the theoretical framework of RwP, which emerged as a response to perceived excesses in the 2011 military intervention in Libya. The paper concludes that RwP is a refinement of the existing 'Responsibility to Protect' (RtoP) framework, focusing on the accountability and monitoring of those authorized to use force.

The document analyzes the bipolar rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia within the Persian Gulf Regional Security Complex, examining how their competition for ideological leadership, regional security dominance, and energy market control influences their strategic engagement in Afghanistan. It explores the role of global powers—the USA, Russia, and China—in reinforcing these regional divisions and assesses the potential for a cooperative security architecture in the region.

The paper assesses the continuity of French Africa policy under President François Hollande and identifies opportunities for South Africa to partner with France. It suggests that while the two nations may differ on specific conflicts, their shared interests in democratic governance and security, combined with France's permanent seat on the UN Security Council and South Africa's influence in the African Union, create a strategic basis for collaboration.

The paper argues that South Africa's foreign policy is often over-extended and lacks focus, attempting to balance competing agendas across the AU, Brics, and the UN Security Council. It highlights a tension between the government's 'Afrocentric' approach and the domestic imperatives of poverty reduction and economic growth outlined by the National Planning Commission. The author suggests that a 'diplomacy of Ubuntu'—emphasizing common humanity and interdependence—could potentially bridge the gap between international ambitions and national interests, provided that the state increases domestic participation in foreign policy formulation through mechanisms like the South African Council on International Relations (Sacoir).

The report examines the US-South Africa Strategic Dialogue, highlighting strong trade ties through AGOA and cooperation in defense and non-proliferation. It notes tensions regarding Iranian oil imports and South Africa's role in BRICS, while emphasizing continued partnership in health and nuclear energy.

The analysis finds that South Africa became more confident during its second UN Security Council (UNSC) term, increasing its co-sponsorship of resolutions and strengthening cooperation with other African members, as well as North-South and South-South partners. A central achievement was the adoption of resolution 2033 in January 2012, which focused on strengthening the relationship between the UN and regional organizations like the African Union (AU). The document notes a significant increase in the proportion of UNSC resolutions concerning Africa, rising from 56% during South Africa's first term to 65% in 2011. While South Africa generally aligned its votes with the AU and its African agenda, it faced criticism for its support of Resolution 1973 on Libya and its opposition to sanctions on Zimbabwe. The author concludes that while South Africa has successfully promoted the African agenda, its long-term goal of securing a permanent seat on a reformed UNSC remains uncertain due to regional competition and skepticism regarding Council reform.

The analysis finds that South Africa has become more confident in the UNSC, increasing its co-sponsorship of resolutions and successfully promoting its 'African Agenda'. While it has improved cooperation with other African members and fostered South-South and North-South partnerships, it faces ongoing challenges in securing permanent representation for Africa on the Council and maintaining its status as the continent's leading driver on international issues.

The statement examines the instability of the Arab Spring, the complexities of the 'responsibility to protect' doctrine, and the geopolitical shift toward state capitalism. It specifically addresses South Africa's diplomatic efforts in Sudan and South Sudan, its aspirations within the African Union, and the role of the South African Development Partnership Agency. The author also highlights SAIIA's ranking as the top think-tank in Sub-Saharan Africa and its youth development initiatives.

The document outlines three primary factors for South Africa's success on the UN Security Council: restoring relations between the African Union and the Council, adopting a coherent approach to African conflicts, and securing a unified voice with other African members, specifically Morocco. It highlights the tension between South Africa's ambition for a permanent seat and the difficulty of building African consensus, citing divisions over Libya, Syria, and the election of Morocco. The author suggests a pragmatic approach to cooperation with Morocco, potentially using the instability in Sudan as a starting point for alliance-building.

The document argues that the PLO is in acute need of democratic reform to address widespread distrust in its unelected leadership. It proposes a model of fully proportional representative elections for the PNC based on the geographic distribution of Palestinians globally. While political will exists between Fatah and Hamas following the May 2011 Cairo Agreement, the author identifies significant obstacles, including the risk to Jordanian citizenship for voters in Jordan and pressure from Western powers (the Quartet) who oppose a Palestinian leadership that includes Hamas.

The report highlights that disaster risk in Asia is increasing due to higher exposure and vulnerability, even independent of climate change. It details observed and projected increases in temperature and precipitation extremes across various Asian sub-regions and argues for the integration of disaster risk management (DRM) with climate change adaptation (CCA) and sustainable development to build long-term resilience.

The document highlights that the agriculture sector is exceptionally vulnerable to climate extremes due to its dependence on natural resources. It argues that disaster risk is increasing not only due to climate change but also because more vulnerable people and assets are exposed to these events. The brief advocates for a shift from short-term coping mechanisms to long-term transformational approaches, such as 'climate-smart agriculture', and emphasizes the need for integrated national disaster risk management systems that combine local knowledge with scientific data.

The report highlights that Asia is exceptionally exposed to climate extremes, with over 90% of the global population exposed to tropical cyclones. It argues that disaster risk is driven not only by weather events but by dynamic factors of vulnerability and exposure, such as unplanned urbanisation and weak governance. The document provides observed and projected trends for temperature and precipitation extremes across Asian sub-regions and advocates for the integration of disaster risk management (DRM) with climate change adaptation (CCA) and sustainable development to build long-term resilience.

The document highlights the critical role of healthy ecosystems in reducing the impacts of climate extremes and disasters. It argues that ecosystem-based adaptation (EbA) is often a more cost-effective and accessible strategy than hard engineering, providing co-benefits for livelihoods and biodiversity. The brief details how climate extremes—such as heat waves, droughts, and floods—can lead to species extinction, regime shifts in ecosystems, and the transformation of carbon sinks into sources. It emphasizes that disaster risk is driven not only by climate events but by vulnerability and exposure resulting from skewed development. The report advocates for a paradigm shift toward transformational changes in governance and the integration of disaster risk management (DRM) with climate change adaptation (CCA) to build long-term resilience.

The document translates the IPCC SREX report's findings into actionable insights for the water sector, emphasizing that disaster risk is increasing due to both climate extremes and rising human vulnerability. It highlights the high confidence that climate changes will seriously affect water management systems and argues for a shift from incremental to transformational changes in governance and infrastructure. The brief advocates for 'low regrets' adaptation strategies and the integration of disaster risk management (DRM) with climate change adaptation (CCA) to build long-term resilience.

The document examines how the Syrian conflict destabilizes the 'resistance front' (Syria, Iran, Hizballah, and Hamas) and alters regional power balances. In Lebanon, the crisis exacerbates sectarian tensions and threatens Hizballah's strategic supply lines. In the Occupied Palestinian Territories, it has forced Hamas to shift its political alignment from Damascus to Qatar and Egypt, potentially strengthening Hamas relative to Fatah but not necessarily advancing the Palestinian national cause. The authors argue that the 'new Arab cold war' framework is becoming less relevant as the Syrian regime collapses and regional actors like Egypt seek new diplomatic paths.

The report examines the transition of Turkish foreign policy under the AKP from a non-interventionist stance to a pro-active 'zero problems with neighbours' approach. It argues that the Arab Spring, particularly the civil war in Syria, has forced a return to more pragmatic and security-oriented policies. A central theme is the 'existential fear of Kurdish separatism,' as autonomy in northern Iraq and Syria threatens Turkey's internal stability and reignites conflict with the PKK. While Turkey has achieved economic growth and a 'middle power' status, its soft power is undermined by domestic democratic deficiencies and the imprisonment of journalists and political opponents.

The text examines the evolution of Turkish foreign policy since the AKP came to power in 2002. It describes a transition from a cautious, secular, and Western-focused approach to a strategy that emphasizes Turkey's Muslim identity and seeks to increase its regional influence in the Middle East through 'soft power' and a 'zero-problems' discourse. The author notes that while the government maintains a 'value-based' foreign policy, it must balance this with national interests and the economic growth driven by these regional engagements.