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The position paper proposes a structural overhaul of how senior administrative officials are appointed and removed in South Africa to insulate the public service from unlawful political interference. It advocates for a four-stage generic appointment process—process planning, process administration, short listing, and appointment—to create a system of checks and balances. For the national and provincial public service, it suggests leveraging the Public Service Commission as an independent administrative check. For municipalities, it proposes the creation of independent personnel committees comprising professional associations and civil society. To ensure feasibility, the paper recommends a 'covering in' mechanism, allowing the President to incrementally apply these reforms to specific departments or municipalities via proclamation.

The analysis of 14 large Swedish export-oriented businesses reveals that climate change is not viewed as a priority risk, with a lack of operational risk management strategies and a failure to link global climate change to specific supply chain operational risks.

The paper argues that ignoring gender and power inequalities in climate change adaptation is maladaptive and leads to further exclusion. It advocates for 'gender-transformative adaptation'—which seeks to change the fundamental attributes of a system and address the root causes of vulnerability—across the natural environment, food security, sustainable cities, infrastructure, industry, and finance. The authors highlight how intersecting inequalities (income, ethnicity, age, etc.) compound vulnerability and recommend rigorous, participatory gender analyses to inform policy and project design. Key findings include the risk of 'elite capture' in the green economy and the critical need for women's land and resource rights to enable nature-based solutions.

The paper argues that ignoring gender and power inequalities in climate adaptation is maladaptive and recommends transforming social structures to ensure equitable resilience. It analyzes six key systems—natural environment, food security, sustainable cities, infrastructure, industry, and finance—demonstrating how patriarchal norms and intersecting inequalities (such as class, ethnicity, and age) disproportionately burden women and marginalized groups. The authors advocate for rigorous gender analyses, the redistribution of care work, and the inclusion of diverse voices in decision-making to move beyond tokenistic gender mainstreaming toward systemic, gender-transformative change.

The report argues that current carbon pricing and innovation funds are insufficient to transform the basic materials sector. It proposes a five-part policy package: a Climate Contribution to ensure full carbon cost internalisation, project-based Carbon Contracts for Difference (CCfDs) to hedge investment risks, Contracts for Difference (CfDs) for renewables to lower electricity costs, Green Public Procurement (GPP) to create lead markets, and long-term Product Carbon Requirements to phase out carbon-intensive materials.

The report analyzes the efforts of Swedish municipalities to promote sustainable consumption across their own operations, households, and local businesses. While many municipalities work systematically within their own operations—focusing on vehicles, food, and energy—there is significantly less focus on households and businesses. A critical gap exists in monitoring the environmental impact of procurement, with nearly half of the surveyed municipalities performing no such assessment. The report identifies economic motives and national guidelines as primary drivers, while highlighting a severe need for political support, financial resources, and standardized data tools. It recommends that municipalities establish systematic procurement analysis, that local politicians prioritize sustainable consumption, and that the government tasks regional administrative boards (länsstyrelsen) with coordinating these efforts.

The report applies the SDG Synergies approach to eight environmental targets in the EU to identify synergies and trade-offs with other Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). It finds that while most interactions are promoting, significant trade-offs exist, particularly with SDG 9 (Industry, Innovation and Infrastructure). Targets 12.4 (chemicals and waste management) and 13.1 (climate adaptation) are identified as having the highest synergistic potential to drive overall progress on the 2030 Agenda in the EU context.

The document emphasizes that achieving net-zero emissions by 2050 requires increasing the capacity of global carbon sinks through land-use management. Drawing on an IPCC special report, it identifies four high-potential mitigation categories: BECCS, reforestation/forest restoration, afforestation, and biochar. The author advocates for a 'portfolio' approach tailored to regional conditions, particularly in tropical and subtropical areas, while warning that high land demand could pressure food prices and biodiversity. Key success factors include prioritizing optimal biomass conversion, developing multifunctional landscapes, ensuring fair community participation, prioritizing the avoidance of deforestation, and increasing R&D for biochar and BECCS.

The World Resources Institute (WRI) reported total assets of $169,995,735 and total net assets of $148,109,469 as of September 30, 2019. The organization's operating revenues for the 2019 fiscal year totaled $164,614,772, with the majority coming from grants, contributions, and contracts. While the auditors issued an unmodified opinion on the financial statements and compliance for major federal programs, they identified a significant deficiency regarding the timing of recognition for one conditional contribution of $5 million. WRI's programmatic work is organized around seven critical issues, including climate, energy, and forests, and is supported by subsidiaries in India, China, and Europe.

The document is a formal petition by sixteen children from various countries against five states, alleging that their failure to mitigate climate change violates the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. It details specific harms faced by the petitioners—including extreme heat, wildfires, and sea-level rise—and argues that the respondents' current emission pathways are inconsistent with the 1.5°C goal of the Paris Agreement. The petitioners request that the Committee recognize climate change as a children's rights crisis and recommend that the respondent states accelerate mitigation efforts and prioritize the best interests of children.

Unilever is implementing the Unilever Sustainable Living Plan (USLP) to reduce its environmental footprint, with goals to be carbon positive by 2030 and achieve 100% renewable electricity by 2030. While direct and indirect emissions declined 8% between 2017 and 2018, total emissions including the value chain rose by 3%. The company reports that consumer use of its products accounts for over 60% of its total greenhouse gas footprint. Unilever has achieved 100% renewable electricity across five continents and is trialling alternative fuels for transport, including HVO100 in Sweden and CNG in the US, India, and Turkey.

The briefing outlines three critical objectives for national leaders at the 2019 UN Climate Action Summit to align global efforts with the 1.5 degrees C warming limit. First, leaders are urged to pledge net-zero emissions by 2050, following examples like Suriname and Bhutan. Second, they must prepare to submit more ambitious nationally determined contributions (NDCs) under the Paris Agreement in 2020. Third, the document calls for a shift from 'brown' to 'green' financing, specifically halting coal plant funding and increasing contributions to the Green Climate Fund to support developing nations. The text emphasizes that investing $1.8 trillion in climate resilience from 2020 to 2030 could yield $7.1 trillion in net benefits.

The We Mean Business coalition calls on governments to align their policies with the 1.5C warming limit to provide the clarity and confidence businesses need to invest in zero-carbon technologies. The statement highlights that while nearly 1,000 businesses have made climate commitments and over 190 are transitioning to 100% renewable electricity via RE100, decisive government action is required to embed carbon costs into financial systems and phase out fossil fuel subsidies. Key policy demands include strengthened Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), the implementation of TCFD recommendations, and support for the deployment of solar, wind, and electric vehicle infrastructure.

The report examines climate adaptation frameworks in the Baltic Sea Region (BSR), finding that while all nine studied countries have national strategies, only Denmark mandates local-level adaptation plans. Most BSR countries encourage but do not require municipalities to develop specific adaptation strategies, often relying on project-based funding or integrating climate risks into broader spatial and emergency planning. The analysis highlights a strong focus on flood risk management and identifies critical knowledge gaps regarding the comprehensiveness of local risk assessments and the sufficiency of stable funding and guidance for local authorities.

The paper argues that government-led adaptation is insufficient and that individuals and households must be actively involved to reduce climate risks. It identifies six categories of adaptive behavior—information seeking, preparative measures, protective measures, evacuation/migration, insurance, and political action—and analyzes the psychological drivers of these actions. Key motivators include risk perception, negative emotions, self-efficacy, outcome efficacy, social norms, and perceived responsibility. The authors conclude that while communication campaigns are common, they are often ineffective if they only provide information; instead, they should target psychological antecedents. Furthermore, the paper advocates for genuine public participation in decision-making to empower citizens and improve policy effectiveness, while noting that individual action must be supported by systemic, large-scale governmental infrastructure.

The document assesses the multifaceted threats climate change poses to global food security, highlighting that while some high-latitude regions may see productivity gains, the global South—especially sub-Saharan Africa—faces severe risks of yield losses and increased hunger. It argues for a systemic approach to adaptation, moving beyond autonomous adjustments to planned strategies. Key priorities include increasing public investment in agricultural research, adopting Climate-Smart Agriculture (CSA), expanding irrigation, and improving the resilience of food value chains. The authors emphasize that adaptation must be balanced with greenhouse gas mitigation and social equity, particularly regarding gender and youth in agriculture.

The 2019 Green Infrastructure Investment Opportunities report for Australia highlights a significant pipeline of projects in renewable energy, low carbon transport, sustainable water, waste management, and green buildings. While Australia has seen a boom in solar and wind investment and a growing green bond market, the report notes a continued reliance on high-carbon infrastructure and a lack of integrated national emissions reduction priorities. It argues for a greater role for the superannuation sector and the adoption of 'brown-to-green' transition strategies for carbon-intensive industries to meet Paris Agreement targets.

The paper reviews 154 publications covering 181 country case studies to understand the consequences of mining decline. It finds that economic impacts, such as job loss and regional decline, are the most documented, while social and political effects are understudied. The authors argue that successful transitions require long-term planning, strong local leadership, and coordinated financial mechanisms, noting that recovery often takes a decade or more.

The article analyzes the impact of political corporatism on climate policy ambition by comparing Sweden and Finland. It identifies that while inclusiveness and consensualism promote ambitious policies, strong tripartite organizations that exclude NGOs can hinder them.

The authors contend that the EU is paralyzed by institutional inertia, the dominance of the Council, and the influence of vested interests. They critique Emmanuel Macron's reliance on a Franco-German bilateral engine, arguing that it ignores the reality of transnational politics and the effectiveness of coalitions like the Visegrád Group. The text suggests that breaking the deadlock requires leveraging the European Parliament, forming offensive and defensive coalitions, and using strategic unilateral action or the blocking of trade deals to force systemic change.