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The document examines the state of Sudan's transition following the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). While noting security gains such as the establishment of UNMIS and the Joint Defence Board, it highlights severe risks to the peace process. Central to these is the unresolved demarcation of the Abyei boundary, which is viewed as a potential 'flashpoint' for renewed war due to oil interests and tribal tensions between the Ngok Dinka and Misseriya. The report also notes that the death of Dr. John Garang weakened the 'New Sudan' vision of pluralism, leaving the SPLM more inclined toward secession and the NCP increasingly dominated by security and petroleum elites. Further instability is noted in Darfur and the Eastern Beja region, where marginalized groups feel excluded by the NCP-SPLM power-sharing arrangement.

The document identifies significant barriers to establishing a sustainable national mine action programme in Sudan. It highlights a severe human resource deficit caused by brain drain and conflict-driven changes in work culture, alongside political tensions between North and South Sudan that impede information sharing and coordination. Furthermore, it argues that international assistance is often contradictory, prioritizing rapid emergency response over long-term capacity building, and is hampered by funding delays and a reliance on expensive international contractors.

India and China are experiencing rapid economic growth and a corresponding surge in energy consumption, leading to an increasing reliance on imported oil, primarily from the Persian Gulf. Both nations are pursuing similar strategies to mitigate this vulnerability: diversifying import sources, acquiring equity oil through overseas investments, building strategic petroleum reserves (SPRs), and shifting toward natural gas and nuclear power. While there are efforts toward Sino-Indian energy cooperation, such as joint bids for oilfields in third countries, competition remains high, particularly in contested areas like Burma. The report outlines three future scenarios: 'Increased cooperation,' 'Conflict in East Asia' (centered on Taiwan and Japan), and 'The Middle East explodes' (a full-scale resource war). It recommends that Norway support energy efficiency, clean coal and gas technologies, and the inclusion of China and India in the International Energy Agency (IEA).

The document lists the signature, ratification, and deposit dates for 53 African entities regarding the AU Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism. As of 23 June 2006, 48 countries had signed the convention, while 36 had completed ratification or accession and deposited their instruments.

The document analyzes the intersection of global counter-terrorism efforts and regional instability in the Horn of Africa. It highlights how the US 'war on terror' has been a 'double-edged blade,' providing resources for security but also empowering authoritarian regimes to label political opponents as terrorists. The author details the rise of radical Islamism in the region, the limitations of national and regional legislative responses, and the failures of US strategies in Somalia, specifically the backing of warlords which inadvertently strengthened the Union of Islamic Courts.

The document examines the 'political architecture' of liberal peacebuilding, which seeks to establish liberal market democracies in post-conflict states. It argues that while this approach is dominant in international politics, it faces significant legitimacy challenges. Communitarians argue it imposes external Western values over local cultures; critical theorists contend it reinforces a hegemonic and unjust global order; and postmodernists critique its reliance on technocratic 'social engineering.' The author proposes alternative frameworks, such as 'building the capacity for peaceful self-governance' and 'dialogic peacebuilding,' to reconcile liberal ideals with local autonomy and global justice.

The report examines the trade and investment dynamics between SACU (primarily South Africa) and China, arguing that while Chinese imports threaten SACU's light manufacturing, the complementarity of their economies—specifically China's demand for natural resources—makes a phased free trade agreement (FTA) a strategic necessity for restructuring SACU's economy.

In this inaugural address, the Director of the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) asserts that Africa's development depends on internal agency rather than external aid. The author highlights the importance of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and NEPAD in fostering good governance and accountability. The text warns against a 'new scramble for Africa' driven by China's demand for raw materials, urging states to implement industrial policies and beneficiation to avoid neo-imperialist patterns. It concludes that while international interest and growth are positive, sustainable progress requires capable state institutions, proactive leadership, and a move away from ideological rigidity.

The document examines the ongoing WTO negotiations on environmental goods, noting that current proposed lists of goods for liberalization primarily benefit developed countries, who account for 79 per cent of exports. To create a more balanced outcome, the author suggests expanding the definition of environmental goods to include environmentally preferable products (EPPs) of export interest to developing countries—specifically non-timber forest products and natural fibre products—and implementing Special and Differential Treatment (SDT) provisions such as delayed compliance and less-than-full reciprocity.

The document examines the shift toward 'vertical deepening' of peacekeeping, where the UN relies more on regional organisations like the African Union (AU) and its 'building blocks' (SADC, ECOWAS, IGAD, ECCAS/CEEAC, and EAC). It highlights a critical gap between Africa's political will and its financial capacity, noting that while the AU can provide troops, it cannot fund large-scale missions. The author analyzes the EU Peace Facility as a model for external support and proposes seven funding options for regional operations, ranging from UN assessed contributions to bilateral arrangements. The paper concludes that African peacekeeping should be a 'bridging force' for UN deployments rather than a total replacement, requiring sustained international investment in capacity-building and DDR (disarmament, demobilization, and resettlement).

The report examines the gap between global water scarcity models and the local realities of migration. It argues that while global indicators identify high-stress regions, they fail to account for local coping mechanisms, social vulnerability, and the diverse reasons people move. The authors contend that water scarcity is rarely the sole driver of large-scale refugee movements; instead, it interacts with political and economic factors. The document advocates for a livelihoods-based approach to policy that enhances community resilience and recognizes migration as a potential adaptive strategy rather than merely a crisis of 'environmental refugees'.

The paper critiques existing Environmental Impact Assessments (EIA), Social Impact Assessments (SIA), and political risk analyses for their failure to systematically address violent conflict. It proposes a Conflict-Sensitive Business Practice (CSBP) toolbox that integrates conflict analysis tools—such as conflict mapping and stakeholder analysis—across the entire project lifecycle. The authors emphasize that extractive projects are increasingly located in 'frontier areas' where mismanagement of community relations or environmental resources can trigger violence. The proposed CSBP approach advocates for participatory consultation, the establishment of 'no go' thresholds for conflict, and the identification of peacebuilding opportunities through shared environmental concerns.

The author argues that Nepad has largely failed to deliver on its promises due to an over-reliance on donor persuasion and a lack of operational capacity to change national policies. While sectoral strategies and infrastructure projects are criticized as too general or unbankable, the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) is identified as the most innovative and potentially effective tool for driving reform. The paper recommends that the Nepad Secretariat transform from a conference convenor into a high-powered research organization to support the APRM.

The document argues that the IGAD peace process in Sudan is undermined by a lack of trust between the Government of Sudan (GoS) and the SPLM/A, systemic failures in monitoring security agreements, and the GoS's use of proxy militias to maintain influence. It highlights specific breaches of the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement in the Shilluk Kingdom and Western Upper Nile, where civilian abuses and cattle looting occurred. The author concludes that sustainable peace requires a democratic transformation of the Sudanese state to address root grievances, rather than focusing solely on security maintenance.

The South Sudan Defence Force (SSDF) is a fragmented coalition of militias and former SPLM/A fighters that provides critical security for Sudan's oil fields and government-held towns in the south. Despite its strategic importance, the SSDF was omitted from the September 2003 Framework Agreement on Security Arrangements, which recognized only the Government of Sudan (GoS) and the SPLM/A. This exclusion, combined with the GoS's policy of dividing southern forces and the SPLM/A's reluctance to acknowledge the SSDF's military capacity, threatens the viability of the peace process. The report highlights ongoing violence in Western Upper Nile and among the Shilluk community as evidence of the instability caused by the lack of south-south reconciliation.

The report identifies a significant gap between high-level policy and project-level implementation in peacebuilding efforts by the U4 governments. It recommends shifting impact assessment from individual projects to a strategic level and adopting formal frameworks for both general and case-specific intervention strategies.

The paper analyzes the Sudan-IGAD peace process, highlighting the shift from the first stage of negotiations between the Government of Sudan (GoS) and the SPLM/A to a necessary second stage focused on inclusivity and democratic transformation. It argues that the success of the Machakos Protocol depends on expanding the process to include civil society and northern opposition groups, as well as resolving volatile bilateral relations with neighbors like Eritrea and Uganda. The author emphasizes the critical role of US pressure and the need for a successful referendum on self-determination for southern Sudan to prevent a return to conflict.

The document analyzes the IGAD-led peace process between the Government of Sudan (GoS) and the Sudan Peoples Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A), highlighting the critical role of US pressure and the Machakos Protocol. It warns that the initial 'elite-driven' and 'secretive' approach must be replaced by transparency and democratic engagement to prevent instability from marginalized groups, such as the SSDF and the SLM/A in Darfur. The author emphasizes that internal stability is inextricably linked to resolving contentious bilateral relations with neighbors, particularly Eritrea and Uganda, and calls for a comprehensive regional framework to secure the peace.

The report details Phase One (2001-2003) of a collaborative initiative to integrate disaster risk reduction, environmental management, and poverty reduction into climate adaptation. It argues that protecting natural services and enhancing sustainable livelihoods (SL) reduce the vulnerability of the poor to climate-related hazards. Through case studies and desk assessments in regions such as Sudan, Bolivia, and Vietnam, the project demonstrated that ecosystem management and restoration (EM&R) activities—such as watershed rehabilitation and mangrove reforestation—increase community resilience. The report provides lessons for field implementation and policy integration, specifically suggesting entry points for these micro-scale activities within UNFCCC processes like National Adaptation Programmes of Action (NAPAs) and the UNDP Adaptation Policy Framework (APF).

The report evaluates the current state of voluntary corporate social responsibility (CSR) initiatives addressing business operations in violent conflict zones. It identifies significant gaps in knowledge, stakeholder consensus, and participation from developing countries. The authors argue that while some guidance exists—particularly for the extractive sector—it is largely policy-based rather than operational. The document provides a framework for governments to move beyond simple compliance toward a 'peacebuilding' approach, suggesting roles for the public sector such as mandating legal baselines, facilitating research, and endorsing best practices to strengthen the enabling environment for conflict-sensitive investment.