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The Accreditation Panel recommends that the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) be upgraded to 'large' project size and 'high risk' (Category A/I-1) environmental and social risk categories. The assessment found that IFAD's fiduciary standards, project management capacities, and environmental and social safeguards fully meet GCF requirements for these expanded parameters.

The document outlines the conditions for funding proposals considered at the GCF Board's 43rd meeting. It establishes general requirements for all proposals, such as the signing of a funded activity agreement (FAA) and legal due diligence. Additionally, it specifies tailored conditions for certain projects, including requirements for grey-green infrastructure in South Sudan, staff expertise and SEAH protections for a multi-country programme (FP286), and ESIA updates and brine plume modelling for a project in Jordan.

The report examines Sudan's history of military coups, focusing on the 30-year authoritarian rule of Omar al-Bashir and the subsequent 2019 transition attempt. It details the power-sharing agreement between the Transitional Military Council (TMC) and the Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC), and the subsequent October 2021 coup by General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan. The author argues that the coup weakened the civilian government and strengthened the military's influence, leaving the path to democracy uncertain and potentially destabilizing the Horn of Africa.

The South African Tax Justice Working Group and allied organisations call for progressive tax reforms to combat extreme inequality and tax evasion. They urge the South African government to use its 2025 G20 presidency to champion international corporate tax reform and a wealth tax on the ultra-rich, while calling on the National Treasury to shift away from regressive domestic taxes like VAT.

The document outlines how South Africa can strengthen its peacebuilding engagements with the United Nations by utilizing its experience in democratic transition and African continental engagements to lead within UN structures and contribute to debates such as the 2015 UN peacebuilding review.

The briefing examines the gap between South Sudan's formal commitments to women's rights and the reality of their exclusion from political and economic decision-making. It highlights how women, who make up 65% of the population, are disproportionately affected by poverty and gender-based violence while remaining underrepresented in government appointments and diplomatic negotiations. The authors argue that sustainable development and peacebuilding require moving beyond basic infrastructure to include women as active agents of political change.

The crisis in South Sudan has intensified regional rivalries in the Horn of Africa, drawing in neighboring states through military intervention, refugee influxes, and proxy support. Uganda has intervened militarily to support President Salva Kiir's government to protect economic interests and political influence. Sudan, while officially supporting the government, is suspected of supporting opposition forces to weaken South Sudan and re-establish influence. Ethiopia seeks to prevent a total state collapse to avoid ethnic spillover into its Gambella region and to block Eritrean infiltration. Eritrea is alleged to be covertly supporting opposition forces to undermine Ethiopia's regional predominance and strengthen its strategic relationship with Sudan.

Recent research indicates that while ex-combatants in the Central African Republic, Democratic Republic of the Congo, and South Sudan engage in diverse economic activities—primarily small businesses in the informal sector—their success is hindered by dilapidated infrastructure, predatory taxation, and limited access to credit. The study finds that sustainable peace is possible if reintegration continues, though risks remain higher for young unmarried males who may resort to criminal activities or re-militarization. The presence of mineral wealth in ungoverned spaces offers wealth accumulation opportunities but exposes ex-combatants to violence and extortion by armed groups.

The briefing warns that South Sudan's peace process is nearing collapse due to rising tensions between President Salva Kiir and First Vice-President Riek Machar. Following clashes in Nasir and the subsequent house arrest of Machar and other opposition figures, the document highlights how economic decline—driven by a 68% drop in oil production—has undermined the patronage systems used to maintain political loyalty. It suggests that the most likely outcome is further entrenchment of armed factions, and urges the African Union to secure the release of detainees and coordinate with IGAD to prevent a total breakdown of the R-ARCSS power-sharing arrangement.

The document examines the escalating border dispute between Ethiopia and Sudan over the al-Fashaga area, noting its intersection with tensions over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD). It highlights how internal political instability in both countries and conflicting claims over land sovereignty hinder negotiations, warning that failure to de-escalate could lead to proxy wars and further regional destabilisation.

The document examines the conflict between Ethiopia and Egypt over the proposed Great Millennium Dam, a project with a 5,250 megawatt capacity. Egypt has expressed concerns regarding its water quota and has threatened military action, while Ethiopia links Egyptian access to the site to the signing of the Cooperative Framework Agreement (CFA). The dispute is framed by the CFA, which is supported by several upper Nile Basin states but rejected by Egypt, and is further complicated by the independence of Southern Sudan.

The guide explains how to use a map that identifies land parcels in Turkana, Samburu, Meru, Isiolo, Garissa, and Lamu counties earmarked for the LAPSSET Corridor Project. It details the project's components, the map's data sources from the National Land Commission (NLC), and the legal eight-step process for compulsory land acquisition and compensation in Kenya.

The text outlines the methodological toolkit of human geographers, distinguishing between quantitative and qualitative approaches. It explains the use of text analysis (from social media to archives), quantitative data for causal inference and pattern recognition, GIS for spatial analysis, and qualitative tools such as semi-structured interviews and focus groups. Additionally, it covers the role of visual data (remote sensing and photography) and the importance of field presence through ethnography and observation.

The paper argues that local violence in Jonglei State, South Sudan, is not primarily caused by secession, 'tribal' nature, inflated bridewealth, or Murle infertility. Instead, it attributes the insecurity to the militarisation of society during the civil war (1983-2005), the erosion of traditional conflict resolution mechanisms, and the government's failure to provide security and justice, which allows mass violence to occur with impunity.

The paper argues that while digital technologies offer opportunities for efficiency in crisis response, they are not neutral and can compromise fundamental humanitarian principles. It identifies key analytical prisms—humanitarian space, public-private partnerships, resource distribution (e.g., digital food/cash), human relations, and data-driven vulnerabilities—to guide future academic inquiry into the 'technological turn' of humanitarian action.

The authors argue that while digital technologies offer opportunities for efficiency in crisis response, they are not neutral and can compromise core humanitarian principles. The paper identifies five analytical prisms for future research: the politics of humanitarian space, the rise of public-private partnerships, new methods of aid distribution (such as e-transfers), the reorganization of relationships between aid providers and recipients, and the emergence of new data-driven vulnerabilities. It concludes that the 'do no harm' imperative requires a more reflective approach to technology to ensure that digital divides do not marginalize the most vulnerable and that data collection does not create new security risks.

The document provides a comprehensive overview of global conflict trends from 1989 to 2019, noting a record high of 54 state-based conflicts in 2019. It highlights the significant role of the Islamic State (IS) in driving recent conflict increases and the prevalence of internationalized civil conflicts. While battle-related deaths have generally decreased over the last 20 years, specific hotspots in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia remain deadly. The paper also analyzes the decline in peace agreements since 2015 and the persistence of non-state conflicts, particularly violent drug cartel activity in Latin America and communal violence in Africa.

The paper analyzes conflict dynamics in Africa from 1989 to 2019, noting a record high of 25 state-based conflicts in 2019, many of which are low-intensity or involve the Islamic State. While Africa faces rising non-state conflicts and one-sided violence, it also leads other regions in the number of definitive ceasefires and peace agreements. The study further details the growth of UN peacekeeping operations in the region from 1994 to 2018, highlighting a significant increase in troop deployment peaking in 2010.

The paper analyzes the 'business-peace nexus,' where multinational corporations (MNCs) are reframed as peace actors. While B4P aims to embed corporations in public accountability structures, the authors argue it creates 'asymmetrical governance' locally, where corporate power is amplified and accountability is obscured.

The research examines the intersection of Norway's national identity as a gender-equal and peace-promoting nation with its diplomatic practices. Through interviews with ten diplomats, the authors analyze how 'state feminism' has transitioned from domestic policy to foreign policy, specifically within the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda. The findings highlight a strategic tension: while Norway promotes gender equality to enhance its international branding and credibility as a neutral facilitator, it avoids the explicit label of 'feminist foreign policy' to prevent being perceived as too value-driven or Western, which could jeopardize its role as a benign peace facilitator. The document notes a shift from early, male-dominated peace efforts to more professionalized, gender-balanced teams in recent processes like those in Colombia and the Philippines.