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The briefing asserts that new gas exploration, production, and LNG export terminals are incompatible with limiting global warming to 1.5°C. It highlights that existing fossil fuel infrastructure already exceeds the remaining carbon budget for low-overshoot pathways and warns of LNG overcapacity. Consequently, it calls on financial institutions to stop presenting fossil gas as a transitional energy and to immediately cease financial services supporting fossil gas expansion.

The report diagnoses the stalemate of the WTO's Doha Round, attributing it to a leadership vacuum, fundamental disagreements on agriculture and development, and the 'straightjacket' of the single undertaking. It examines the shift toward a 'new architecture' of trade, specifically mega-regional preferential trade agreements (MPTAs) like the TPP and TTIP, and plurilaterals like TISA, which focus on 'behind the border' rules relevant to global value chains (GVCs). The authors argue that while MPTAs risk balkanising trade and diverting investment from non-members, the WTO could regain relevance by adopting plurilateral 'critical mass' approaches for agriculture and GVC-related policies, while strengthening special and differential treatment (S&DT) for least developed countries.

The document examines Australia's transition from a 'fixed price country' characterized by high protectionism and structural rigidities to a competitive, liberalized economy. It highlights the critical role of independent institutions like the Tariff Board in publicizing the costs of protection, the political leadership of the Hawke and Keating governments in implementing gradual tariff reductions, and the necessity of structural adjustment packages to maintain social cohesion. The author argues that the combination of economic crisis, transparent data, and political courage enabled Australia to dismantle its protectionist 'Australian Settlement Compact' and integrate into the global economy.

The document examines Brazil's trade policy from the post-WWII import-substitution era to the mid-2000s. While Brazil achieved significant trade surpluses and productivity gains following liberalization in the 1990s, the author argues that these successes are largely due to global economic conditions rather than current government strategy. The paper highlights the 'Brazil Cost'—a combination of bureaucracy, infrastructure deficits, and high taxes—as a primary barrier to competitiveness. It further critiques the current administration's tendency to prioritize geopolitical goals over commercial interests in trade negotiations and calls for a more strategic, transparent, and institutionally coordinated approach to trade reform.

The document analyzes Nigeria's economic contraction and subsequent recovery during the COVID-19 pandemic, highlighting the role of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and fiscal stimulus. It identifies critical gaps in social protection, gender-responsive policy, and fiscal buffers, while advocating for central bank independence and digital economy integration for long-term stability.

The document examines South Africa's attempt to frame its economic and trade policies within the concept of a 'developmental state,' drawing comparisons with the 'Asian Tigers.' It argues that South Africa's unique socio-political context—specifically its status as a pluralistic democracy and the legacy of apartheid—makes the direct transplantation of authoritarian Asian models impossible. The author highlights tensions within the ruling ANC alliance between pro-poor transformative goals and the need for market-oriented growth and foreign investment. The paper traces the evolution of economic strategy from the early 1990s macroeconomic stabilization (GEAR) to a more recent focus on micro-economic efficiency and industrial policy (ASGI-SA and NIPF). It concludes that South Africa must develop a unique model that combines development with democracy, focusing on human capital, infrastructure, and a professionalized bureaucracy rather than a state-centric, authoritarian approach.

The report examines the AfCFTA's potential to create a single market of 1.2 billion people and $2 trillion GDP, highlighting its goals to boost intra-African trade and harmonise trade governance. It details key investor considerations, including the continued relevance of Regional Economic Communities (RECs), tariff phase-down schedules, and the impact of non-tariff barriers and rules of origin. The document specifically analyses the Republic of Korea's trade and investment profile in Africa, noting a heavy reliance on natural resource imports and a relatively low FDI stock compared to other global powers. It suggests that Korean firms can find opportunities in manufacturing, digital transformation, and the use of Special Economic Zones (SEZs) to enter the continent. Finally, it recommends that Korea enhance its 'aid for trade' initiatives, focusing on infrastructure project preparation and support for African SMEs to foster mutually beneficial relations.

The G20 Energy Access Action Plan focuses its first phase on improving electricity access in sub-Saharan Africa, where approximately 620 million people lack power. The plan proposes six key areas for collaboration: policy and regulatory environments, technology deployment, investment and finance, capacity building, regional integration, and coordination. It emphasizes a flexible, voluntary approach that respects national sovereignty over energy mixes. The document also compiles 'good practice' case studies from G20 members—including Argentina, Australia, Brazil, China, India, Korea, Mexico, Russia, Singapore, and Turkey—and details specific international development projects in Africa led by the UK, France, Germany, and Italy, as well as the African Union's Geothermal Risk Mitigation Facility.

Trinitan Green Energy Metals (TGEM) utilizes patented Step Temperature Acid Leach (STAL) technology to refine high-purity Class I nickel from laterite ores in Indonesia. Unlike High-Pressure Acid Leach (HPAL), STAL operates at atmospheric pressure and is designed for small to medium-scale mines, offering a lower carbon and water footprint. TGEM is developing two closed-loop ecosystems—STAL One Ecopark in Bogor and IGNITE in Southwest Papua—to integrate waste management and resource sharing, aiming for net-zero emissions and compliance with international sustainability regulations, such as those in the European Union.

The 24/7 Carbon-Free Energy Compact, coordinated by Sustainable Energy for All on behalf of UN-Energy, promotes a global effort to ensure every kilowatt-hour of electricity consumption is met with carbon-free sources every hour of every day. The guidebook outlines five core principles: time-matched procurement, local procurement, technology-inclusivity, enabling new generation, and maximizing system impact. It details technical enablers such as Granular Certificates (GCs) for hourly tracking, smart metering, and 24/7 CFE Power Purchase Agreements (PPAs). The document also highlights the role of green hydrogen as a storage solution and provides implementation roadmaps for energy buyers, governments, and suppliers, while emphasizing equity considerations for the Global South.

The document warns that post-pandemic recovery efforts risk entrenching carbon-intensive pathways through technological, political, and societal lock-in if governments prioritize a return to the pre-pandemic status quo. It identifies a narrow window of opportunity in 2020 to align economic stimulus with the Paris Agreement and Sustainable Development Goals. To achieve a sustainable transition, the authors propose five policy levers: conditional bailouts, environmental tax reform, green public procurement and finance, expanded social welfare, and just transition measures to support workers. The briefing highlights that while some regions like South Korea and the EU are pursuing green recovery plans, others, such as the US and China, are implementing measures that may reinforce fossil fuel dependency.

The document argues that the steel sector can be almost fully decarbonised by 2050 through a combination of hydrogen-based direct reduced iron (HDRI), carbon capture and storage (CCS), increased steel recycling, and material efficiency. It warns that to avoid stranded assets and catastrophic climate impacts, new blast furnaces without CCS must not be added and existing ones must not be relined after 2025. Policy interventions are required to provide clean electricity and green hydrogen, create lead markets, and implement carbon pricing, with a suggested price of around US$70 to avoid 1.3 Gt CO2 of emissions by 2030. International cooperation, such as the Glasgow Breakthrough on Steel, is highlighted as essential because demand growth is primarily driven by developing economies in Asia.

The report '80 Gigawatts of Change' presents seven modeled scenarios for Egypt's electricity sector from 2015 to 2035. It compares a 'Business as Usual' (BAU) baseline against pathways focusing on decarbonization, energy independence, and decentralization. The analysis highlights that while centralized fossil-fuel-based models are cheaper in the short term, they risk 'carbon lock-in' and exacerbate energy access inequities. Conversely, decentralized and renewable-heavy pathways offer higher job creation and lower emissions but require significant initial investment and institutional reform. The report specifically warns against coal and nuclear power due to high water consumption, environmental risks, and low job creation relative to renewables.

The report argues that water must be framed not just as a sector but as a cross-cutting enabler of social development, economic growth, and environmental integrity. It proposes a 'cross-cluster framework' that integrates three perspectives: water as a sector, an enabler, and a supporter. The authors estimate that implementing water-related SDGs would require annual global investments between US$1.25 and 2.25 trillion over 20 years, representing 1.8% to 2.5% of global GDP. Key challenges identified include systemic corruption in the water sector, a critical lack of operation and maintenance funding, and the need for a paradigm shift from donor-led to multi-stakeholder governance.

The document outlines a comprehensive set of demands from Latin American and Caribbean civil society for the COP30 Presidency, focusing on increasing NDC ambition, scaling adaptation and loss and damage financing, reforming the global financial system, and ensuring a multidimensional just transition. It emphasizes the need for the 'Global Mutirão' to be informed by Southern perspectives and calls for a clear timeline for phasing out fossil fuels.

A coalition of 82 civil society organizations from Latin America and the Caribbean urges the COP30 Presidency to move beyond declarative statements toward an integrated framework of accountability. The letter demands ambitious NDC 3.0 submissions from G20 and major emitting nations, a roadmap to mobilize USD 1.3 trillion annually by 2035, and a precise phase-out date for fossil fuels. It emphasizes the need for a transformative adaptation agenda, the operationalization of the Loss and Damage Response Fund, and the integration of climate and biodiversity governance through the Rio Conventions.

As of June 2026, 140 out of 195 Paris Agreement parties have submitted emission reduction commitments for 2035. While 42 of 43 developed countries have published commitments, the document highlights a gap in global coverage, noting that the United States' withdrawal from the Paris Agreement and Argentina's lack of an updated NDC hinder the 1.5°C temperature goal. The G20 represents 75.05% of global emissions, but current NDCs from this group cover only 63.01% of those emissions.

The report argues that biomass co-firing in East Java is plagued by economic failure, ecological damage, and illegal practices. It finds that Perum Perhutani's energy plantation forests (HTE) have caused significant economic losses for local farmers and are financially unviable for the company. Furthermore, it reveals that PLTU Paiton relies on sawdust from illegal sawmills, often involving stolen timber, and that some suppliers manipulate biomass weight by adding water with the complicity of plant officials. The report also notes that major wood pellet exporters, such as PT Kaliandra Merah Nusantara, primarily export to South Korea rather than supplying domestic power plants.

The report examines the Jawa 9 and 10 coal-fired power plant projects in Cilegon, Banten, highlighting severe risks to public health and the environment. It argues that the projects are economically flawed, citing a Korean Development Institute (KDI) study that predicted a negative Net Present Value (NPV) for KEPCO. The document details the prevalence of acute respiratory infections (ISPA) among children in Cilegon and the broader ecological damage caused by coal transport and mining. It specifically calls for South Korean financiers, such as K-Exim and KDB, to withdraw funding to align with the 'Green New Deal' and global climate goals, noting that Indonesia's emission standards are significantly lower than those in South Korea.

The report examines the Java 9 and 10 Coal Power Plant (CPP) projects in Cilegon, Banten, funded by South Korean institutions including K-Exim, KDB, and K-Sure. It argues the investment is 'forced' and 'unprofitable,' citing a KDI pre-feasibility study showing a negative NPV for KEPCO. The document highlights severe health impacts in Banten, where Acute Respiratory Infection (ARI) is prevalent, and notes that the projects exacerbate air pollution and increase vulnerability to pandemics like Covid-19. It further criticizes the use of Ultra Super Critical (USC) technology as insufficient for carbon reduction and points to the risk of natural disasters, such as tsunamis, given the plants' coastal locations. The report concludes that the investment violates South Korea's 'Green New Deal' and calls for the Indonesian government to cancel the projects in favor of renewable energy.