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The author argues that Serbia has transitioned toward autocracy, a process accelerated by the state's handling of the Covid-19 pandemic. The government is accused of using a state of emergency to bypass scientific advice, manipulate health data, and conduct an unofficial election campaign. This democratic decline is mirrored by deteriorating rule of law and media freedom. However, the document notes a rising wave of political mobilisation fueled by dissatisfaction with environmental degradation, specifically air pollution in Belgrade and proposed lithium mining by Rio Tinto in western Serbia.

The EU ETS is a 'cap and trade' system covering power, industry, and aviation across the EU and several other European nations. While it has successfully reduced emissions in the power sector, the document argues that free allocation of permits has led to stagnant industrial emissions and significant windfall profits for companies. The guide details the role of the Market Stability Reserve in managing oversupply and discusses the proposed Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism as a potential replacement for carbon leakage protections.

The report examines the implementation of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda in Cyprus and Kosovo, highlighting a gap in 'hard' security integration in Cyprus compared to the more comprehensive approach in Kosovo. It analyzes the roles of UNFICYP, UNMIK, EULEX, and KFOR, arguing that while participation of women in peacekeeping is high in both regions, the integration of gender perspectives into core security and defence policy remains underdeveloped, particularly in the Republic of Cyprus.

The research examines how NATO's airstrike-only intervention during the Kosovo War affected Albanian civilian victimization. Using a novel dataset (Kosovo Airstrike Locator) and the Kosovo Memory Book, the author finds that while the overall introduction of airstrikes coincided with a dramatic increase in civilian deaths, recently struck municipalities actually saw a decrease in expected victimization. However, this direct effect was offset by indirect consequences: the shift in strike strategy to target military units intensified the violence following battles and KLA soldier deaths, and shifted the geography of victimization toward more populous areas and those with lower Albanian population percentages. The author concludes that airstrike-only interventions can intensify conflict and increase civilian vulnerability, suggesting they should not be the primary tool for protecting civilians without a credible ground-force threat.

The document examines the intersection of gender justice and food sovereignty, arguing that the industrial food system relies on the patriarchal exploitation of women. It advocates for agroecology and feminist economics to redistribute care work and ensure women's autonomy over land and seeds.

The document examines the intersection of gender justice and food sovereignty, arguing that the industrial food system relies on the patriarchal exploitation of women's labor. It advocates for a transition to agroecology and feminist economics to ensure equitable access to land, seeds, and resources, while calling for the recognition and redistribution of unpaid care work.

The document examines the intersection of food sovereignty, agroecology, and gender justice, arguing that the industrial agribusiness model relies on the patriarchal exploitation of women's labor. It advocates for a transition to agroecology and feminist economies to ensure equitable access to land, seeds, and resources, while recognizing and redistributing unpaid care work.

The document examines how socio-economic factors and gender norms in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) create disproportionate exposure to chemical and noise pollution. It highlights that while men are more exposed in heavy industry, women face higher risks in healthcare, cleaning, and agriculture. It notes a critical lack of official data on environmental health in BiH and recommends gender-sensitive risk assessments, poverty reduction, and targeted awareness campaigns to protect marginalized groups, including Roma communities.

The document examines waste management in Bosnia and Herzegovina through the lens of social equity, highlighting that while collection coverage has expanded, rural areas and Roma communities remain underserved. It identifies a strong reliance of Roma populations on informal waste collection for income and notes that the formal waste sector is heavily male-dominated. The brief argues for the integration of informal collectors into formal systems and the use of gender-based quotas and targeted training to diversify the workforce.

A small number of countries, primarily Turkey, Ukraine, and those in the Western Balkans, are responsible for the majority of coal power air pollution in Europe. Ukraine dominates PM10 emissions, while Turkey leads in NOx pollution. The report highlights that most of the most polluting plants are over 30 years old, though Turkey is an exception with some young plants among the top polluters. Many Energy Community countries failed to meet 2019 emission ceilings, and the report argues that subsidies and rehabilitation costs should instead be redirected toward the region's significant renewable energy potential.

The analysis asserts that the current environmental acquis of the Energy Community Treaty is inadequate to prevent biodiversity loss and water deterioration caused by energy projects. It recommends the adoption of selected articles from the EU Birds, Habitats, and Water Framework Directives, arguing that such measures would not impose significant additional burdens since many Contracting Parties already have existing obligations under the Bern Convention or EU accession processes. The document details the specific risks posed by various energy sources—including coal, nuclear, wind, and hydropower—and provides a tailored legal framework for implementation within the Energy Community.

The document explores how the climate crisis and energy transition are reshaping global power dynamics, particularly for the European Union. It argues that traditional geopolitics—focused on state rivalry and resource control—must be replaced by a model of 'ecological security' and 'steward statehood' rooted in human rights and social justice. Key analyses include the EU's 'open strategic autonomy,' the risks of corporate-led hydrogen projects, China's Belt and Road Initiative's energy dimensions, and the necessity of a global fossil fuel non-proliferation treaty. It emphasizes that the green transition must be a 'just transition' to avoid social backlash and that Europe should lead by example in decarbonization and multilateral cooperation.

The document analyzes COVID-19 recovery funding for cities, noting that while USD 1.1 trillion was pledged, the vast majority (USD 916 billion) targeted short-term liquidity rather than long-term climate resilience. It identifies gaps in funding programming and recommends that funders structure instruments for direct city access, utilize project preparation facilities, and leverage city networks to bridge the investment gap for green infrastructure.

The document examines the COVID-19 pandemic as a systemic crisis that exposed deep inequalities and the fragility of market-based systems. It argues that the health crisis is inextricably linked to environmental collapse, specifically biodiversity loss and zoonotic risks. The text advocates for the revival of the social state, the implementation of a 'foundational economy' that prioritizes basic human needs over profit, and the adoption of 'technological humanism' to bridge the digital divide. It also analyzes the political responses of Green parties in Europe and the rise of authoritarianism and right-wing populism during the crisis, while highlighting grassroots solidarity networks and the disproportionate impact of the pandemic on marginalized groups, including migrants and the elderly.

The proposal requests USD 322,450 over 12 months to enhance Serbia's climate adaptation capacity. It focuses on three components: aligning the Development Fund of the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina (DFAPV) with GCF fiduciary and environmental standards, creating a 'Green Navigator' platform to engage the private sector, and developing a Climate Smart Agriculture/Food Industry Investment Plan including two bankable concept notes.

The document examines the intersection of climate change and human rights, detailing how environmental degradation threatens rights to life, food, health, water, and housing. It outlines the obligations of states to respect, protect, and fulfil these rights, and the responsibilities of businesses to reduce emissions and provide remedies. The handbook specifically focuses on the role of National Human Rights Institutions (NHRIs), presenting case studies of their work in monitoring impacts, handling complaints, providing policy advice, and engaging in international mechanisms like the UNFCCC and the Universal Periodic Review. It highlights that nearly half of Paris Principles-compliant NHRIs have engaged in climate change work, using tools ranging from digital mapping to formal inquiries into 'carbon majors'.

The Croatian parliamentary election of 5 July 2020 saw the conservative Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) maintain dominance, securing 66 seats. Despite a tight race predicted by polls, the HDZ benefited from a low voter turnout of 49.6% and the leadership of Andrej Plenković. The centre-left Restart coalition, led by the SDP, underperformed with 41 seats due to ageing policies and leadership issues. The far-right Homeland Movement gained 16 seats but failed to become a kingmaker. A significant outcome was the success of the green-left coalition Možemo, which won 7 mandates, marking the first sizeable green force in the Croatian parliament. Možemo's success is rooted in grassroots activism for environmental sustainability, social equality, and anti-corruption, serving as a potential model for similar movements in Montenegro and Serbia.

The report form identifies the High Impact Programme for the Corporate Sector as a Category B project under environmental and social safeguards (ESS). It confirms that the Environmental and Social Impact Assessment (ESIA) and Environmental and Social Management Plan (ESMP) are integrated into the programme's Environmental and Social Management System and were disclosed on May 22, 2020, in multiple languages corresponding to the participating countries.

The report finds that the EU ETS region is increasingly importing electricity from non-EU neighbors with high carbon intensities, effectively importing emissions and creating 'offshore carbon havens'. In 2019, the EU ETS region imported 26 million tonnes of CO2, with a net import of 20 million tonnes. The authors argue that the disparity in carbon pricing gives a competitive advantage to high-carbon generators in countries like Turkey, Ukraine, and the Western Balkans. To combat this, the report recommends a border carbon adjustment (BCA) on gross electricity imports to protect the integrity of EU climate policy and incentivize decarbonization in neighboring states. It also warns that planned increases in interconnection capacity (31% by 2030) and new coal power projects (up to 57GW) in connected non-EU countries will exacerbate the problem.

The document analyzes the scale and nature of food export restrictions during the COVID-19 crisis compared to the 2007/08 period. It finds that while 22 countries imposed restrictions in 2020, the overall impact on globally traded calories and monetary value is significantly lower than in 2008. The brief notes that current food availability challenges are driven more by logistical disruptions than the supply shortages and high energy prices that characterized the previous crisis.