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The report argues that the cost of inaction regarding climate change in Uganda is significantly higher than the cost of adaptation, estimating annual losses between US$3.1 bn and 5.9 bn by 2025 compared to an adaptation cost of US$406 m over five years. It identifies critical vulnerabilities in water availability, agricultural exports (particularly coffee), biomass energy supply, and infrastructure resilience, while highlighting that many proposed adaptation measures are 'no regrets' investments that provide immediate development benefits.

The Green Climate Fund (GCF), an operating entity of the UNFCCC, aims to support low-emission and climate-resilient development in developing countries. It operates through a 24-member Board divided equally between developed and developing nations and distributes funds via 'Accredited Entities' rather than directly. The fund maintains a 50/50 aspirational split between adaptation and mitigation, with half of adaptation funds targeted at particularly vulnerable countries. However, the document highlights concerns regarding the lack of an explicit exclusion list for fossil fuels, the potential for funding 'false solutions', and the limited requirements for national designated authorities (NDAs) to engage with civil society and affected communities.

The Green Climate Fund (GCF) is the primary multilateral fund for climate adaptation and mitigation in developing countries. It operates through accredited entities and National Designated Authorities (NDAs), with a target of splitting funding equally between adaptation and mitigation. While it lacks a formal exclusion list for polluting technologies, it employs investment criteria to avoid high-emission infrastructure. Civil society organizations, including Friends of the Earth, act as observers and advocates to ensure transparency and community involvement.

The policy brief argues that any use of carbon markets post-2020 must be governed by strict environmental integrity standards to avoid 'hot air' and double counting. It recommends that the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) undergo fundamental reform, including the adoption of social and human rights safeguards, to remain viable. The brief also calls for the exclusion of early action credits from post-2020 targets and urges the UNFCCC to demand greater emission reductions and adaptation levies from the international aviation (ICAO) and maritime (IMO) sectors. Finally, it advocates for the inclusion of human rights and gender equality protections in the core text of the Paris Agreement.

The document identifies that National Climate Change Funds (NCCFs) have historically struggled to mobilise resources, accounting for less than 0.2% of global climate finance flows in 2013. Based on interviews with 30 organisations and literature reviews, the brief argues that successful resource mobilisation requires a three-part strategy: establishing a well-defined vision and theory of change, building institutional capacities across people, processes, governance, and partnerships, and implementing a systematic approach to investor engagement.

The document examines how hard currency loans create asset-liability mismatches in infrastructure projects within emerging and frontier markets. It argues that IFIs should move away from direct lending and instead use guarantees and credit enhancements to leverage private capital and stimulate local currency financing. The paper details specific financial tools, such as local currency bonds and derivatives, to mitigate currency, political, and project risks.

The report evaluates the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) and its peace and security architecture, specifically the Central African Early Warning Mechanism (MARAC) and the Central African Multinational Force (FOMAC). It finds a significant gap between the organization's ambitions and its operational reality, noting that conflict prevention is hampered by a highly centralized, state-focused structure and a narrow military approach to security. The document highlights critical regional threats, including the Boko Haram insurgency, maritime insecurity in the Gulf of Guinea, and the instability in the Central African Republic (CAR). It concludes that ECCAS lacks a credible regional lead nation and a shared vision, remaining heavily dependent on external funding, primarily from the European Union, which undermines regional ownership of the peace and security process.

The report evaluates National Climate Change Funds (NCCFs), finding that they currently play a limited role in global climate finance, accounting for less than 0.2% of total flows in 2013. It identifies key barriers to resource mobilisation, including weak institutional capacities and a lack of clear vision, and proposes a structured three-step approach—defining vision, building capacity, and engaging investors—to improve their sustainability.

The document examines Rwanda's approach to integrating climate resilience and green growth into national planning and finance. It highlights the role of strong inter-ministerial alliances, the establishment of the Environment and Climate Change Fund (FONERWA), and the use of budget mainstreaming tools. While noting successes in legislative backing and demonstration projects, it identifies persistent challenges in subnational capacity and the need for costed implementation plans for national strategies.

The report evaluates SNV's interventions in four countries, finding that a systemic approach combining user understanding, market linkages, and enabling environments is key to scaling clean cooking solutions. It proposes a revised theory of change emphasizing a trajectory from lower-tier to advanced technologies to achieve health and climate goals.

The document argues that developing countries can increase their accessibility to climate finance by demonstrating fund management capabilities and project impact. Using Rwanda as a case study, it highlights the importance of cross-institutional learning, local inclusivity, and the establishment of dedicated climate funds to strengthen project development capacity.

The document examines the link between presidential term extensions and political instability in Africa, citing recent crises in Burkina Faso and Burundi. It argues that the African Union (AU) must move beyond reacting to coups and instead proactively advocate for the entrenchment of term limits to ensure regional security and democratic consolidation.

The Green Climate Fund (GCF) reports progress on its Readiness and Preparatory Support Programme, which aims to assist developing countries in accessing Fund resources. Between 28 April and 18 June 2015, the total number of nominated national designated authorities (NDAs) or focal points rose to 127, and the total number of readiness requests reached 74. The Secretariat finalized grant agreements totaling US$ 1.9 million for seven countries: Comoros, Dominican Republic, Ethiopia, Federated States of Micronesia, Rwanda, Thailand, and Togo. The programme operates across five activity areas, including NDA strengthening, strategic framework development, accreditation support, project pipeline creation, and information sharing. Capacity-building efforts include regional workshops in El Salvador and South Korea, with future events planned for Fiji and Egypt, as well as headquarters visits for delegations from Mongolia and Fiji. The GCF is also coordinating with partners such as UNDP, UNEP, and the African Development Bank to ensure complementarity in readiness support.

The Olkaria III project, a 110 MW binary geothermal plant, is the first privately funded geothermal project in Africa. It succeeded by utilizing a phased expansion strategy and a mix of public and private financing. Key enablers included the Kenyan government's provision of exploratory data and wells, a 20-year power purchase agreement (PPA) with USD-pegged tariffs, and long-term, low-cost debt from Development Finance Institutions (DFIs). The project achieved a levelized cost of electricity (LCOE) 13% lower than the average for similar Kenyan projects, demonstrating that public-private models can be more cost-effective than purely public ones.

The paper identifies policy, knowledge, and funding gaps as primary barriers to private investment in climate resilience. It finds that DFIs use a mix of technical assistance, long-term debt, and concessional finance to stimulate demand and reduce risk. Key findings vary by region: in developed countries, regulatory compliance and ageing infrastructure drive investment; in upper-middle-income countries, technical audits and market studies are critical; and in developing countries, intermediated financing through local banks and agricultural supply chains is essential to reach SMEs.

The report outlines the priorities for the June 2015 AU summit, noting that the official theme of women's empowerment is likely to be overshadowed by urgent crises. Key concerns include the high death toll of African migrants crossing the Mediterranean from Libya, xenophobic violence in South Africa, and the instability in Burundi caused by President Pierre Nkurunziza's third-term bid. It also examines the AU's role in mediating conflicts in South Sudan and Libya, the challenges of establishing an African Standby Force, and the broader struggle for continental economic and political integration.

The document argues that developing countries can increase their access to climate finance by demonstrating strong fund management and project delivery. Rwanda is presented as a model for this approach, utilizing a national climate-responsive development plan (GGCRS) and a dedicated fund (FONERWA) to streamline resources and improve project quality. Key success factors identified include the use of joint sector reviews for cross-institutional coordination and the 'ubudehe' community-based system for inclusive needs assessments. The briefing recommends that other African nations establish similar dedicated funds to manage funding, prepare viable projects, and implement rigorous monitoring and evaluation to attract further international investment.

The policy brief examines the link between presidential term extensions and political instability in Africa, citing coups in Burkina Faso and Burundi as evidence. It argues that the African Union (AU) has been too reactive, focusing on suspending governments after coups rather than preventing the constitutional manipulations that trigger them. The author calls for the AU to formalize presidential term limits within its governance architecture, specifically suggesting amendments to the AU Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance. The brief recommends that 'anchor states' like South Africa, Nigeria, and Kenya use preventive diplomacy to discourage term extensions, noting that such practices undermine the goals of Agenda 2063 and regional security.

The document examines the Grand Inga hydropower project in the DRC as a catalyst for energy dialogue and regional integration in Southern Africa. While the project offers immense generation potential, it faces significant hurdles including the DRC's poor infrastructure, institutional instability, and the need for massive international investment. The author argues that for Inga 3 and the broader Grand Inga scheme to succeed, South Africa and the DRC must shift from national priorities toward regional planning, engaging other SADC members and international financial institutions to secure the necessary funding and transmission networks.

The report addresses the critical shortage of local climate data in fragile states, where conflict and weak governance often destroy meteorological infrastructure. It categorizes climate information into historical, current, and prospective data, and provides a directory of satellite-based alternatives and international forecasting centers. The document argues that integrating these data into different humanitarian planning horizons—from immediate relief to long-term strategic planning—is essential for sustainable peacebuilding. It concludes by outlining priorities for rebuilding national meteorological services, using examples from Haiti and Sierra Leone.