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The submission argues that indigenous peoples and local communities (IPLCs) are the most effective guardians of biodiversity, yet they face systemic threats including non-recognition of land rights, 'fortress conservation' models, and violence against land defenders. It provides global case studies of successful community-led conservation and calls for a shift toward rights-based conservation, secure tenure, and the protection of environmental defenders.

The study finds that while population density is a strong and consistent predictor of armed conflict, the effects of land degradation and water scarcity are relatively weak or insignificant. Political and economic factors, particularly GDP and political instability, far outweigh local environmental stressors in determining conflict risk. Interestingly, the authors find that resource scarcity may matter less for conflict in low-income states than in wealthier states, challenging some neo-Malthusian assumptions.

The authors present a dataset of 357 armed conflict episodes (1946–2006) to track post-conflict justice (PCJ) processes. PCJ is defined as any process initiated within five years of a conflict's end to address wrongdoings. The dataset identifies six primary tools: trials, truth commissions, reparations, amnesties, purges, and exiles. Preliminary analysis shows that the choice of justice mechanism is influenced by conflict intensity, incompatibility (territorial vs. government control), and the type of termination (victory vs. bargained solution). For instance, trials are more frequent after decisive victories, while amnesties are more common after bargained solutions and in high-intensity civil wars.

The document analyzes the strategic importance of Myanmar's offshore natural gas reserves, particularly the Shwe field, in the context of energy security for China, India, and Thailand. It details how the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) utilizes these resources to secure foreign investment and military aid, thereby undermining Western sanctions and delaying democratic reforms. The text highlights a specific rivalry between China and India over pipeline routes, noting China's success in securing a pipeline to Kunming and its broader strategic goal of bypassing the Strait of Malacca. Additionally, it examines the role of other regional actors and the regime's efforts to diversify its dependencies through cooperation with Russia and South Korea.

The report finds that 2025 was the third most violent year since 1989, with 245,000 battle-related deaths. It highlights a record high of 65 state-based conflicts and a concerning doubling of international conflicts to eight in 2025. While non-state conflicts decreased slightly, one-sided violence surged to 76,500 fatalities, primarily driven by massacres in Sudan.

The document describes the DIADATA dataset, which lists diamond occurrences worldwide, including geographic coordinates, geological forms, and dates of discovery and production. It details the data collection process from academic, governmental, and industry sources, and explains the coding structure for variables such as geological form (primary, secondary, or marine) and production status. Additionally, it describes a 'compact version' of the dataset where sites within 50 km are aggregated into multipoints to reduce missing temporal data. The document includes detailed country profiles for 53 countries, outlining their diamond discovery and production histories.

The research examines why some ethnopolitical movements are fragmented while others are unified, using a dataset of self-determination movements and a case study of Punjab, India. The authors find that competitive dynamics—specifically state repression, the accommodation of demands, the onset of civil war, and diversifying political demands—significantly increase movement fragmentation. While transnational factors like foreign fighters and mediation also contribute to division during wartime, structural factors such as linguistic sub-cleavages and geographic dispersion showed no significant correlation. The Punjab case study illustrates how events like Operation Bluestar and the failed Rajiv-Longowal Accord triggered proliferation of militant and political organizations.

The report examines the discovery of natural gas in the Eastern Mediterranean, focusing on the competing claims of the Republic of Cyprus, Turkey, and Turkish Cypriots. It analyzes the commercial viability of export options—such as LNG plants and pipelines to Turkey or Europe—against a backdrop of falling global gas prices due to the US shale revolution. The text argues that while hydrocarbons offer a potential 'win-win' for regional stability, their development is currently hostage to long-standing political conflicts, particularly the Cyprus problem and strained Israeli-Turkish relations. It also explores the specific challenges facing Lebanon in becoming a gas province and the role of global energy governance and major players like Russia and the EU in shaping the region's energy future.

The author examines the contributions of historian Dennis Showalter to the study of German panzer forces, specifically his analysis of doctrine, generalship, and the Battle of Kursk. The text then applies these themes to the Indian Armoured Corps (IAC), detailing its transition from internal security and frontier policing to high-intensity combat in Burma. It highlights the role of mission-oriented command and combined arms tactics in the IAC's success during Operation Extended Capital and the 'Race to Rangoon'.

The document examines the intersection of global climate goals, EU energy security, and the emergence of the Eastern Mediterranean as a potential gas hub. It analyzes the role of natural gas as a 'bridging fuel' for the EU, the geopolitical use of energy by Russia and Iran, and the commercial and political obstacles facing gas development in Israel, Cyprus, and Egypt, particularly following the discovery of the Zohr field.

The document argues that treating nonstate actors as unitary entities in civil conflict analysis creates a gap between conceptual frames and empirical reality. It proposes a 'disaggregation' approach to examine how internal divisions, factionalism, and shifting coalitions influence the initiation, escalation, and termination of violence. The authors highlight that fragmentation can either increase violence through in-group competition or facilitate peace through state co-optation of specific factions. The text calls for more disaggregated data to better understand the dynamics of nonstate actors, including the role of external state intervention in precipitating or exacerbating internal splits.

The document provides a comprehensive overview of global conflict trends from 1989 to 2019, noting a record high of 54 state-based conflicts in 2019. It highlights the significant role of the Islamic State (IS) in driving recent conflict increases and the prevalence of internationalized civil conflicts. While battle-related deaths have generally decreased over the last 20 years, specific hotspots in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia remain deadly. The paper also analyzes the decline in peace agreements since 2015 and the persistence of non-state conflicts, particularly violent drug cartel activity in Latin America and communal violence in Africa.

The report estimates that a reunification of Cyprus would provide Turkey with an annual peace dividend of EUR 17.4 billion (3.5% of 2009 GDP), comprising EUR 5.1 billion in savings and EUR 12.3 billion in additional export revenue. Key gains for Turkey include the potential for EUR 7 billion from financial and business services, EUR 1.7 billion from transport, and EUR 1.6 billion from tourism. Additionally, Turkey could see foreign direct investment (FDI) rise to EUR 33 billion per year. Greece is projected to benefit from EUR 2.3 billion in annual military savings, EUR 19.8 billion in FDI, and various gains in tourism and energy transit. The document highlights energy as the greatest opportunity, noting that a settlement would unblock Turkey's EU accession energy chapter and facilitate projects like Blue Stream-2.

The authors argue that national-level GDP per capita is an ambiguous proxy for the drivers of civil war, as conflict is typically a localized phenomenon. Using a global grid of 0.5-degree cells and G-Econ data for 1990, they test three hypotheses: that poorer areas are more prone to conflict (H1), that pockets of wealth in poor countries attract insurgency (H2), and that deviations from national income averages increase risk (H3). Preliminary results indicate that conflict onsets are more likely in poorer areas of a state and that the relationship between Gross Cell Product (GCP) per capita and conflict risk follows an inverted U-shape, peaking at approximately $1,300 per capita.

The document analyzes the ethical dilemmas of trust and fairness during the JCPOA negotiations (2013-2015). It argues that while deep-seated distrust between the US and Iran initially hindered progress, a shift in US policy and the efforts of second-tier negotiators helped build a 'minimal' level of trust necessary for a procedurally fair agreement. However, the authors contend that the use of threats and sanctions undermines this trust, and the decision to limit the agreement's scope for short-term success may have jeopardized its long-term sustainability, as evidenced by the US withdrawal in 2018.

The document examines the shift in Russian foreign policy under President Dmitry Medvedev, analyzing the tension between his proposed 'modernization' and the 'hard power' approach demonstrated during the 2008 conflict in Georgia. It explores Russia's strategic interests in the 'near abroad' (CIS), its pursuit of a multipolar world order to counter US unilateralism, and its complex relationships with the EU, China, and the US. Key themes include the use of energy as a political tool, the militarization of the Arctic, and the role of international law and institutions like the OSCE and Council of Europe.

The document argues that rebel groups provide a unique 'laboratory' for understanding governance because they operate outside the Westphalian state system. It examines how rebels implement rule-making, enforcement, and service provision, and how these activities relate to their legitimacy and capacity. The authors propose a multi-dimensional framework for rebel capacity—military, economic, personnel, administrative, and social—and argue that territorial control is not always a prerequisite for governance. By comparing rebel and state behaviors, the paper suggests that governance is often multi-layered and that the relationship between territorial control and legitimacy is complex and non-linear.

The authors argue that Proportional Representation (PR) is often adopted not due to electoral competition, but as a response to systemic threats of revolution. Using Norway's 1919 reform as a case study, they demonstrate that incumbents viewed PR as a de-radicalization tool to strengthen parliamentary legitimacy and isolate revolutionary radicals. Quantitative analysis of roll-call votes shows that MPs facing local industrial conflicts and soldiers' councils were significantly more likely to support PR, regardless of the actual electoral strength of socialist parties in their districts.

The document argues that the India-Pakistan conflict is the core security dynamic of the South Asia Regional Security Complex (RSC), with Afghanistan serving as an 'insulator' or buffer zone. While India possesses greater aggregate power, the rivalry remains durable due to 'truncated power asymmetry'—where local parity in nuclear capabilities and territorial disputes in Kashmir offsets India's global superiority. The author contends that both nations project their internal insecurities and mutual mistrust onto Afghanistan, using it as a zone for proxy competition rather than a core security priority. Pakistan's engagement is driven by a need for 'strategic depth' and fears of Pashtun nationalism, while India uses economic aid to project regional leadership and counter Pakistani influence. The paper concludes that stabilization in Afghanistan is unlikely as long as the core insecurities within the South Asia RSC remain unresolved.

The research examines the Central Asia Regional Security Complex (CA RSC), comprising Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. It argues that while these states share concerns regarding trans-border terrorism, extremism, and narcotics trafficking from Afghanistan, their primary security drivers are internal rivalries and the strategic balancing of global powers—specifically Russia, China, and the USA. The author contends that the 'Heart of Asia' concept fails because it underestimates inter-state non-cooperation and ignores the distinct security dynamics of sub-regions. Central Asian states employ a 'multi-vector' foreign policy to maximize benefits from competing external interests while guarding their sovereignty. Consequently, their engagement with Afghanistan is fragmented and unilateral, focused on extracting economic rent or preventing security 'bleed-out' rather than a unified regional strategy.