Revolution, Elite Fear and Electoral Institutions
Summary
The authors argue that Proportional Representation (PR) is often adopted not due to electoral competition, but as a response to systemic threats of revolution. Using Norway's 1919 reform as a case study, they demonstrate that incumbents viewed PR as a de-radicalization tool to strengthen parliamentary legitimacy and isolate revolutionary radicals. Quantitative analysis of roll-call votes shows that MPs facing local industrial conflicts and soldiers' councils were significantly more likely to support PR, regardless of the actual electoral strength of socialist parties in their districts.
Key insights
- The 'systemic threat theory' posits that incumbents prioritize the long-term survivability of the political and economic system over their own short-term re-election; consequently, they may accept tactical seat losses through PR to prevent total systemic collapse.
- The adoption of PR in Norway in 1919 was driven by elite perceptions of a revolutionary threat following the 1917 Bolshevik revolution, which led incumbents to use PR as a 'co-opting device' to strengthen the reformist wing of the Labor movement.
- Reformist socialists shifted their preference from majoritarian systems to PR after 1918 because they needed immediate electoral victories to legitimize the parliamentary strategy against the rising influence of radicals who advocated for extra-parliamentary action.
- Quantitative analysis of the 1919 roll-call vote indicates that MPs in constituencies with higher numbers of industrial conflicts were 31 percentage points more likely to vote for PR and 30 percentage points less likely to vote to postpone the decision.
- The presence of soldiers' councils in an MP's district served as a strong signal of systemic threat, reducing the probability of voting to postpone the reform by 60% and increasing the probability of voting for PR by 41%.
- The study finds that the drive for PR was distinct from 'electoral threat'; industrial conflicts and soldiers' councils did not show a systematic association with the actual 1921 vote shares of leftist parties.
- Norwegian elites engaged in a dual strategy of repression and concession, establishing a secret security commission and a mobilization army of 5,000–8,000 men while simultaneously pursuing electoral reform to appease the working class.
Cite the original document
- APA
- Gjerløw, H., & Rasmussen, M. B. (n.d.). Revolution, Elite Fear and Electoral Institutions. Peace Research Institute Oslo. https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/3050eab5-4eda-40e4-89af-1efda5bcf518/Revolution Elite Fear and Electoral Institutions.pdf?inline=true
- Chicago
- Gjerløw, Haakon, and Magnus B. Rasmussen. Revolution, Elite Fear and Electoral Institutions. Peace Research Institute Oslo, n.d. https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/3050eab5-4eda-40e4-89af-1efda5bcf518/Revolution Elite Fear and Electoral Institutions.pdf?inline=true.
- Wikipedia
- {{cite report |last1=Gjerløw |first1=Haakon |last2=Rasmussen |first2=Magnus B. |title=Revolution, Elite Fear and Electoral Institutions |publisher=Peace Research Institute Oslo |url=https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/3050eab5-4eda-40e4-89af-1efda5bcf518/Revolution Elite Fear and Electoral Institutions.pdf?inline=true |access-date=23 October 2026 |via=Climate Insights Directory}}
- BibTeX
- @techreport{gjerlwndrevolution, author = {Gjerløw, Haakon and Rasmussen, Magnus B.}, title = {{Revolution, Elite Fear and Electoral Institutions}}, institution = {Peace Research Institute Oslo}, url = {https://cdn.cloud.prio.org/files/3050eab5-4eda-40e4-89af-1efda5bcf518/Revolution Elite Fear and Electoral Institutions.pdf?inline=true}, urldate = {2026-10-23}, note = {Indexed by Climate Insights Directory} }
Full text
Collected · Record updated