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The document advocates for a 'Renaissance of Industry for a Sustainable Europe' (RISE) strategy, asserting that Europe's industrial competitiveness depends on a low-carbon transformation. The author proposes a four-pillar approach: an innovation and efficiency offensive (including energy efficiency feed-in tariffs and expanded ecodesign legislation), increased investment in R&D, leveraging the internal market for green demand, and enhancing workforce skills in STEM and vocational training. The author criticizes current EU financial frameworks for cutting strategic research and SME funding while calling for a specific 'Southern RISE' strategy to integrate Southern European economies into global value chains.

The document proposes the 'Reindustrialization of Industry in a Sustainable Europe' (RISE) strategy to transition the European Union toward a low-carbon economy. It argues that industrial competitiveness is dependent on this transition and suggests specific measures including innovative financing for energy efficiency, legislative ecodesign, increased R&D investment, and the integration of Southern European economies into the single market. The author criticizes current EU financial frameworks for cutting strategic areas like SMEs and research while continuing to fund projects like the ITER fusion reactor.

The document proposes the RISE strategy to revitalize European industry by focusing on energy and resource efficiency, green technologies, and innovation. It argues that industrial competitiveness is impossible without a low-carbon transformation and criticizes current EU budget cuts in strategic sectors like Horizon 2020 and COSME. The author suggests specific financial mechanisms, such as feed-in tariffs for energy efficiency and eco-efficient loans, alongside legislative measures like ecodesign to reduce energy imports and costs.

The document examines how international carbon offsets under the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and Joint Implementation (JI) have contributed to an oversupply of allowances in the EU Emissions Trading System (EU-ETS) and the Effort Sharing Decision (ESD). It highlights critical failures in 'additionality', noting that many projects would have occurred without offset funding, and points to a lack of sustainability and human rights protections. The author recommends a ban on industrial gas projects, large-scale power projects, and JI track 1 projects for the 2013-2020 period.

The document examines the political, economic, and scientific ties between Russia and South Africa, noting a significant imbalance where political coordination is strong but economic and civil society linkages remain underdeveloped. While bilateral trade grew from $138.1 million in 2002 to nearly $1 billion in 2012, the authors argue that the relationship is hindered by a lack of mutual knowledge and limited cultural exchange. Key areas of cooperation include mineral resources, nuclear energy, and aviation, culminating in the March 2013 Joint Declaration on the establishment of a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership.

The document analyzes the evolution of Russia-Angola relations from the Cold War era to 2013, noting a strong political and military bond that has not yet translated into significant bilateral trade. While state-owned enterprises like ALROSA and VTB have found success, Russian SMEs face high barriers to entry in Angola. The authors argue that both nations must institutionalize their cooperation and diversify economic ties beyond hydrocarbons to achieve a fully-fledged strategic partnership.

The South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) argues that the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Amendment Bill 2013 requires greater transparency and less ministerial discretion to attract investment and ensure sustainable development. Drawing on Botswana's success, SAIIA recommends against replacing the 'first-in, first-assessed' licensing system with auctions without better geoscience data, suggests introducing 'retention licences' to secure tenure, and advises against the state acting as both regulator and operator through free carried interests. The submission highlights that Botswana's high ranking in the Fraser Institute Survey is due to institutional quality and predictable legislation, contrasting this with South Africa's regulatory uncertainty.

The document examines the AAU market from 2008 to 2012, focusing on how Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries used Green Investment Schemes (GIS) to transform 'hot air'—surplus emission rights resulting from economic downturns—into funding for climate mitigation. It analyzes the strategies of seller countries like Estonia and the Czech Republic, which were successful due to transparent monitoring, and buyer countries like Japan and Spain, which used these deals for technology exports. The report highlights a significant price drop in AAUs by 2012 and discusses the potential for GIS to inform future fund-based mechanisms like NAMAs in developing countries.

The document examines Russia's strategic return to Africa after a period of decline in the 1990s. It details the transition from Soviet-era ideological support to a modern, pragmatic approach focused on natural resources, arms trade, and diplomatic influence. The analysis highlights the role of the BRICS framework, particularly South Africa's membership, as a catalyst for renewed engagement. While Russia has established diplomatic ties with all African nations and increased investments in mining and energy, the paper notes a gap between high-level agreements and practical implementation, as well as a continued disparity in attention between North Africa and sub-Saharan Africa.

The report details a workshop on U.S. nuclear weapons surety, distinguishing between safety (preventing accidental detonation) and security (preventing unauthorized use). While participants generally felt existing warheads were safe, they expressed greater concern over security and use control. The document examines the trade-offs of adding intrinsic surety features—such as insensitive high explosives (IHE)—during life extension programs (LEPs), noting that such changes can risk reliability and increase costs. It emphasizes that improvements outside the nuclear explosive package are faster and lower-risk. Additionally, the report addresses cybersecurity threats to command and control networks and the challenges of maintaining a 'foolproof' system involving human operators.

The paper examines Russian interests in Barents Sea oil and gas, using the Shtokman field as a case study. It argues that turning hydrocarbon deposits into resources requires a supportive societal context, including technology, markets, and legal frameworks. The analysis highlights the tension between the Russian state's geopolitical goals and the commercial viability concerns of companies like Gazprom and foreign partners. Ultimately, the Shtokman project was postponed indefinitely due to high costs, falling European demand, and competition from North American shale gas.

The document warns that TTIP may prioritize trade interests over public health by promoting regulatory harmonization and mutual recognition that could lower chemical safety standards in the U.S. and EU. It specifically contrasts the EU's hazard-based REACH regulation with the U.S.'s risk-based TSCA approach, arguing that mutual recognition would effectively erase protections for chemicals restricted in only one jurisdiction. The author also cautions against investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) mechanisms, which could allow corporations to sue governments over public interest laws, and warns that TTIP could preempt protective sub-federal or sub-regional laws. Finally, the statement suggests that a low-standard TTIP could chill the development of stringent chemical regulations in other regions, such as the BRIICS countries.

The document warns that TTIP may prioritize trade over public health by promoting regulatory harmonization and mutual recognition that could weaken chemical safety standards. It highlights the divergence between the EU's hazard-based REACH approach and the US's risk-based TSCA approach, arguing that mutual recognition would effectively erase protections unique to one jurisdiction. The author also cautions against investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) and the preemption of sub-national laws, while noting that TTIP could negatively influence chemical regulations in non-member countries like the BRIICS nations.

The author contends that the TTIP agreement will harm countries in the Global South, specifically citing risks to Mexico's clothing industry and citrus exports from South Africa, Egypt, and Morocco. The text argues that the primary goal of TTIP is for the EU and USA to establish global standards and maintain economic dominance, potentially forcing other nations to accept unfavorable terms or splitting the world into competing trade blocs. This process is viewed as a move away from the transparent, multilateral trade order established after World War II.

The author contends that the TTIP will harm the Global South through the diversion of trade flows and the imposition of EU-US standards on other nations. Mexico is highlighted as particularly vulnerable, specifically in its garment industry. The text suggests the agreement is a strategic attempt by the US and EU to bolster their diminishing economic influence and sideline the BRICS nations, potentially undermining the multilateral trading system in favor of a non-transparent, power-driven trade regime.

The Basque Country exhibits a high resource dependency, with a Total Material Requirement of 108 tons per capita in 2004, 83% of which is imported. This consumption pattern drives significant environmental and social degradation abroad, including oil spills in Nigeria, deforestation for palm oil in Indonesia, toxic pollution from nickel mining in Russia, and watershed degradation from tin mining in Bolivia. The document argues that the economic prosperity of developed regions is linked to an unsustainable use of global resources and calls for a transformation in consumption and production patterns to meet basic human needs without exceeding planetary limits.

The document argues that strong national climate legislation acts as an enabler for more ambitious international agreements by increasing competitiveness, confidence, and knowledge. It highlights that domestic laws can provide the 'legal force' required for future UNFCCC outcomes and recommends strengthening the role of legislators through capacity building and better engagement with executive negotiators.

The document explores the use of peer review as a 'soft law' tool to improve transparency, accountability, and mutual learning among G-20 nations regarding fossil-fuel subsidy reform (FFSR). It analyzes existing peer-review models from the OECD, APEC, and WTO, proposing three potential structures for the G-20: country-only, third-party, or hybrid reviews. The author argues that the G-20's relative informality and homogeneity make it a suitable forum for such a mechanism, provided a balance is struck between external accountability and internal trust.

The report argues that the EU ETS has failed to drive domestic emissions reductions due to a cap set against inflated projections and a flood of low-quality offsets. It finds that the system is now cancelling out approximately 700 million tonnes of abatement from other EU policies. The author recommends the permanent removal of 1.7 billion allowances from Phase 3 auctions to restore environmental integrity and increase Europe's 2020 climate target to 30% below 1990 levels.

The policy brief examines the climate impact of aviation, which contributes between 5% and 14% of global climate emissions. It critiques the reliance on offsetting, arguing that only a cap-and-trade system with a strict cap can deliver real in-sector reductions. The document analyzes ICAO's proposed measures, including a 'basket of measures' and various market-based options, while warning that low-quality offsets from mechanisms like the CDM and JI undermine environmental integrity. It also details the EU's attempt to include international flights in the EU-ETS and the subsequent 'stop the clock' derogation to allow ICAO to find a global solution.