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The report examines the remittance landscape for immigrants in Norway, comparing 42 services across 21 mechanisms, including banks, money transfer operators (MTOs), and informal hawala systems. It highlights a restrictive regulatory environment that often drives users toward illegal services, particularly for transfers to Somalia and Iraq. The analysis reveals that real costs are often hidden through exchange rate spreads, with typical costs for NOK 1,000 transfers ranging from 5% to 25%. While bank transfers can be cheaper for larger amounts, they are often slower and less predictable than MTOs. The report argues that improving financial literacy and regularizing informal services could enhance the development impact of remittances and improve immigrant integration.

The report examines the drive to increase the proportion of women in the Norwegian armed forces from 7% to 15% by the end of 2008. It identifies two primary motivations: a symbolic political goal to reflect Norwegian society's gender equality and a military goal to acquire diverse qualifications for new security challenges. The author highlights structural barriers, such as gender-biased equipment (specifically safety vests) and a highly masculine organizational culture, and recommends improvements in family policy, leadership training, and equipment design. Internationally, the report notes the slow implementation of UNSCR 1325, with women making up only about 1.8% of military personnel in UN peacekeeping missions as of early 2007, and argues that Norway's efforts are critical for supplying female military leaders to the UN system.

The research finds that proposed Phase II NAPs likely result in an oversupply of allowances, potentially leading to very low carbon prices and a 'dead market'. This surplus is exacerbated by the potential inflow of CDM/JI credits, which would shift the cost of Kyoto compliance from the private sector to government treasuries.

The document examines religion as a multifaceted phenomenon—comprising normative systems, identities, and organisational structures—and evaluates its dual potential to both fuel and resolve armed conflict. It argues that while religion is rarely the sole cause of war, it often perpetuates conflict by hardening identity boundaries. The authors propose a typology of peace brokerage (Liaison, Representative, and Coordinator) and emphasize that successful peacemaking requires 'religious awareness,' including the use of a 'Language of the Second Order' to transcend confessional boundaries. The paper concludes that religious actors are particularly suited for Track-Two diplomacy due to their grassroots and international networks, but warns that excluding religiously identified parties from formal processes can create 'spoiler groups.'

The report examines the shift of tax burdens from labour to consumption and natural resource use, known as Ecological Tax Reform (ETR). It analyzes how EU nations have used energy, transport, and pollution taxes to internalize environmental costs while maintaining economic competitiveness. The document highlights that successful ETRs often combine tax increases on pollutants with reductions in social security or income taxes, creating a 'double dividend' of environmental improvement and increased employment. Based on these international experiences, the report suggests that Estonia should phase out subsidies for its oil-shale energy sector, introduce carbon-based energy taxes, and implement differentiated vehicle taxes to stimulate resource efficiency and sustainable development.

The briefing examines the impact of the 2004 EU enlargement, focusing on the difficulties of decision-making in a larger union, the management of member state diversity, and the financial strain of redistribution. It highlights the tension between the need for institutional reform—such as the proposed constitutional treaty—and the political realities of national interests, particularly regarding the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) and budget ceilings. The author argues that while the EU has successfully used the 'open method of co-ordination' for economic reform via the Lisbon strategy, it remains prone to indecision and may become a less effective negotiating partner in multilateral trade contexts due to increased internal diversity.

The document analyzes how EU enlargement affects South Africa's trade positioning, particularly within the WTO and regarding regional African integration. It argues that while enlargement may create short-term opportunities for tariff liberalization, it is likely to strengthen support for the Common Agricultural Policy's domestic subsidies. The authors recommend that South Africa maintain ambition on domestic support in WTO negotiations, pursue a more liberal trade approach toward its own region, and study the EU's enlargement process to inform potential SACU expansion.

The document examines the European Investment Bank's (EIB) environmental framework, specifically its 2002 and 2004 Environmental Statements. While the EIB claims to prioritize environmental protection and align with EU standards, NGOs argue that the Bank continues to fund fossil fuel extraction and aviation projects that contradict climate goals. The text details the EIB's internal environmental units and its targets for renewable energy and CO2 reduction, while listing specific reforms demanded by civil society to increase transparency and accountability.

The document examines the EIB's environmental framework, highlighting contradictions where the bank claims to support EU climate goals while continuing to fund fossil fuels and aviation. It details the EIB's 2002 and 2004 environmental statements, its internal organizational structure for environmental assessment, and a series of reform demands from NGOs to increase transparency and accountability.

The document examines the tension between private party funding and democratic accountability, focusing on South Africa's lack of disclosure requirements for private donations. It analyzes funding scandals in the US, Germany, and Britain to illustrate how money can buy political influence. In South Africa, while the Public Funding of Represented Political Parties Act of 1997 provides state funds, the vast majority of campaign costs are met by unregulated private sources. The author argues that foreign funding can lead to neo-colonialism and internal party instability, and recommends a combination of public funding, expenditure limits, and strict transparency to mitigate corruption.

The document analyzes the drivers of foreign direct investment (FDI) and the policy frameworks necessary to align these flows with sustainable development goals. It distinguishes between types of FDI—natural-resource-seeking, market-seeking, and efficiency-seeking—and examines the impacts of investment on domestic savings, technology transfer, and the environment. The author argues that while international treaties like the WTO's TRIMs and various Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs) are common tools for attracting capital, they can constrain a government's ability to regulate for public health and environmental protection. The paper recommends a combination of domestic institutional strengthening—such as robust environmental management and infrastructure—and strategic international engagement to maximize the developmental benefits of FDI.

The evaluation of the Sustainable Development Communications Network (SDCN), 1996-2001, finds that the network successfully built the electronic communications capacity of its members and established the SD Gateway as a premier portal for sustainable development knowledge. While the network achieved high levels of success in capacity development and stakeholder engagement, it faced challenges with institutional support and the sustainability of joint value creation. The report recommends transitioning the SDCN from a formal knowledge network to an open community of practice focused on individual practitioners, while separating IISD's broader research on knowledge networks into an independent activity.

The document analyzes the drivers of foreign direct investment (FDI) and the potential positive and negative impacts on the host country's economy, environment, and social fabric. It argues that while liberalizing legal frameworks is a common first step, sustainable development requires a comprehensive approach including strong national institutions, environmental regulations, and strategic 'third-generation' policies. The report specifically warns against the risks of international investment treaties, such as the Energy Charter Treaty and NAFTA, which may limit a government's ability to regulate for public health and environmental protection through closed-door arbitration processes.

The document presents a series of case studies from Friends of the Earth (FoE) affiliates worldwide, highlighting grassroots efforts to combat deforestation, protect endangered species, promote organic food, and transition to renewable energy. It emphasizes the role of local communities—particularly indigenous peoples and women—in creating sustainable alternatives to corporate-led development. The report also outlines the organization's broader political agenda to challenge international financial institutions and multinational corporations, advocating for 'ecological debt' payments from the Global North to the Global South.

The document describes a project to evaluate climate change mitigation policies and measures (PAM) in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) using a specific framework of six criteria: environmental outcomes, economic/social outcomes, technical outcomes, institution building potential, project sustainability, and dissemination/replication potential. Applying these criteria to case studies in Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Slovenia revealed that while quantitative project data is accessible, qualitative factors like institutional development are harder to measure but critical for scaling. Findings varied by country, highlighting the effectiveness of small-scale municipal energy efficiency in Bulgaria, the limitations of planned transport measures in the Czech Republic, and the role of soft financing in Hungary and Poland to overcome economic barriers to renewables and efficiency.

The report argues that corruption is a global phenomenon that severely impedes development by distorting public spending, undermining efficiency, and discouraging investment. It rejects the notion that corruption can foster development, asserting instead that it kills the 'development spirit'. For South Africa, the authors recommend a combination of economic liberalisation, democratic consolidation, and specific institutional reforms—including tax and procurement overhauls—driven by strong political will to ensure accountable governance.

The report examines the Baltic Sea Region's trajectory toward 2030, contrasting a business-as-usual scenario with a sustainability vision. It argues that conventional development will lead to increased environmental pressure and persistent socio-economic disparities, whereas a sustainability vision requires decoupling economic growth from resource throughput through aggressive technological innovation and a shift in human values.

The document argues that while the Baltic Sea Region has a strong tradition of environmental co-operation, it is not yet on a path toward sustainable development. It proposes 'Baltic 21', a regional action programme designed to bridge economic disparities between the West Baltic Region (WBR) and East Baltic Region (EBR) while addressing critical environmental threats. The report identifies key risks including eutrophication of the Baltic Sea, acid rain, and the environmental legacy of Soviet-era industry in Russia and Poland. It emphasizes the need for a holistic approach that integrates sustainability into key sectors—energy, agriculture, forestry, transport, and industry—and leverages the influence of the European Union's pre-accession strategies to harmonize environmental standards across the region.

The report warns that Poland's economic restructuring and privatization are attracting 'dirty' foreign investment, where transnational corporations (TNCs) and international financial institutions apply lower environmental standards than in their home countries. It highlights risks such as the transfer of hazardous technologies, illegal waste imports, and the promotion of 'end-of-pipe' solutions over clean production. To mitigate these risks, the document proposes a framework of seven contractual principles—including the right to know, strict liability, and mandatory environmental audits—to be inserted into privatization contracts until robust national legislation is enacted.

The report warns that while foreign investment can provide necessary capital for infrastructure and clean production, it often facilitates the transfer of polluting industries from industrialized Western nations to the Third World, Central and Eastern Europe, and the Commonwealth of Independent States. It asserts that international bodies like the World Bank, GATT, and IMF enable this shift, allowing Western corporations to bypass strict home-country environmental standards while increasing the debt and political dependence of recipient nations.