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The briefing identifies four key priorities for COP25: increasing national climate ambition (NDCs), finalizing rules for international carbon markets and common time frames, reviewing the Warsaw International Mechanism for Loss and Damage, and advancing climate finance and capacity-building. It emphasizes the need for environmentally sound rules for carbon trading and the importance of integrating social equity into climate policy to ensure a just transition.

The report evaluates the fashion industry's transition to responsible viscose production, noting increased engagement from brands and some progress by producers toward EU Best Available Techniques (BAT) standards. While some European brands are leading in transparency and policy, many others—including several luxury and US-based brands—remain laggards. The document emphasizes that voluntary self-regulation is insufficient and calls for government legislation to ensure industry-wide compliance with environmental standards.

The document advocates for enhancing public participation in climate policies by leveraging international legal instruments like the Aarhus Convention and the Escazú Agreement. It identifies specific entry points at COP-25—including Article 6 market mechanisms, the Lima Work Programme on Gender, and the Local Communities and Indigenous Peoples Platform—where procedural rights and safeguards for environmental defenders should be strengthened. It further suggests using the transparency framework's interactive dialogues to review how public participation improves national climate ambition.

The report argues that the PAEL for the Thabametsi power plant is based on flawed Atmospheric Impact Reports and permits outdated sub-critical CFB technology that is less efficient and more polluting than super-critical alternatives. It highlights that the license fails to require continuous emissions monitoring and underestimates NOx, SO2, and particulate matter emissions. Furthermore, the author asserts that adding a new coal plant to the Waterberg Bojanala Priority Area is unjustified given existing violations of National Ambient Air Quality Standards (NAAQS) in the region.

The production of basic materials accounts for approximately 25% of global CO2 emissions and 16% of EU GHG emissions. While industry commitment to carbon neutrality by 2050 is growing, current innovation funds and carbon pricing are insufficient to make climate-friendly technologies commercially viable. The Climate Friendly Material Platform proposes a policy package including a 'Climate Contribution' as an alternative to Border Tax Adjustments, Carbon Contracts for Difference (CCFDS), Contracts for Difference for Renewables, Green Public Procurement (GPP), and Product Carbon Requirements to stimulate investment and prevent the relocation of production to regions with less stringent climate policies.

The author argues that while the EU has developed better legal and institutional tools to protect the rule of law, the political commitment of Commission President Ursula von der Leyen is questionable. The text highlights a tension between the 'fact-based' discourse of judicial independence and a 'détente' policy that risks validating illiberal narratives in Eastern Europe.

The document highlights the critical need for countries to reach an agreement on Article 6 of the Paris Agreement before COP25. It identifies four primary areas of contention: the transition of old Kyoto Protocol credits, the prevention of double counting through corresponding adjustments, the move away from offsetting logic toward true emission reductions, and the necessity of integrating social and environmental safeguards to protect human rights and support sustainable development.

The report analyzes 61 green bonds (USD 56.6bn) from H1 2019, finding that EUR green bonds generally outperformed vanilla equivalents in oversubscription and spread compression. While 53% of allocations went to self-declared green investors, two-thirds of the sample priced without a new issue premium, and 61% showed tighter spreads than comparable bonds 28 days after pricing. A sector spotlight reveals that half of EUR Utility bonds issued in Q2 2019 were green, significantly exceeding the global average for the sector.

The analysis argues that large compensation payments to German lignite operators are unlikely to be legally justified because the sector is currently loss-making and most plants have already amortised their investments. Under the German Constitution, compensation is only required in cases of 'exceptional hardship', which is unlikely given the plants' low profitability. Furthermore, such payments would likely be classified as EU State aid, requiring European Commission approval. The document suggests the Commission would struggle to find such aid proportionate or necessary, as market forces and high carbon prices are already driving closures, and other countries like the UK have phased out coal without compensation.

IKEA aims to become climate positive across its value chain by 2030. The Ingka Group has set science-based targets to reduce absolute scope 1 and 2 emissions by 80% by 2030 and relative scope 3 emissions from travel and deliveries by 50%. The company is transitioning to 100% renewable energy in its buildings by 2020 and zero-emission last-mile deliveries by 2025. IKEA is also implementing circular economy principles, targeting 100% renewable or recycled materials for all products by 2030 and phasing out single-use plastics by 2020.

The report examines climate adaptation frameworks in the Baltic Sea Region (BSR), finding that while all nine studied countries have national strategies, only Denmark mandates local-level adaptation plans. Most BSR countries encourage but do not require municipalities to develop specific adaptation strategies, often relying on project-based funding or integrating climate risks into broader spatial and emergency planning. The analysis highlights a strong focus on flood risk management and identifies critical knowledge gaps regarding the comprehensiveness of local risk assessments and the sufficiency of stable funding and guidance for local authorities.

The report analyzes climate policy performance in the transport and buildings sectors across CEE countries, highlighting specific successful initiatives. In transport, it identifies Romania's 'Rabla' car scrappage scheme, Hungary's Jedlik Ányos Action Plan for electric vehicles, Poland's electric bus rollout, Slovakia's railway modernization, and the Czech Republic's integrated public transport laws as regional benchmarks. In the buildings sector, it highlights Romania's EIB-financed thermal insulation, Slovakia's long-term retrofit support, Poland's solar collector promotion, and the Czech Republic's heat pump subsidies. The document argues that these 'first mover' experiences can be transferred across the region to accelerate the low-emission transition.

The author argues that the European media business model is broken due to falling advertising revenues, the rise of algorithmic polarisation, and opaque ownership structures. This has led to a decline in rigorous investigative journalism and the rise of 'fake news' and state-sponsored disinformation. The text suggests that current technical and legal fixes are insufficient and that governments must provide financial support, such as grants and subsidies, to ethical, fact-based journalism to protect democratic norms.

ClientEarth argues that the proposed reductions in the capacity mechanism levy for energy-intensive users (EIUs) in Poland would undermine the security of supply objectives of the capacity market by dis-incentivising demand-side response. The organisation highlights that the scheme's costs would be shifted to households and non-EIU consumers, potentially affecting public acceptance. ClientEarth suggests that a fixed annual compensation would be a more adequate form of aid to maintain incentives for shifting consumption away from peak hours. The document also questions the expansion of the beneficiary pool from 52 to 300-350 EIUs and recommends that the Commission reject the scheme to avoid distorting the energy market.

The report finds that German lignite plants became significantly unprofitable in the first half of 2019, with the entire fleet losing €664 million. Old units (pre-1990) were hardest hit, with gross profits falling 62% to €188 million. The analysis suggests that 24/7 baseload operation is no longer economic and predicts a €1.8 billion loss for old units between 2020 and 2022. Consequently, the author recommends that the German government push for faster closures, reject excessive compensation claims, and implement a minimum carbon price to prevent future profitability.

In the first half of 2019, EU coal generation fell by 19%, driven by the growth of wind and solar power, a shift toward fossil gas due to rising carbon prices, and specific plant closures. Germany experienced the largest absolute decline, while eastern European countries saw smaller reductions due to slower renewable energy deployment. The report argues that while carbon pricing has made coal less profitable, further declines require accelerated plant closures and increased investment in clean energy and grid infrastructure to ensure a full transition.

The paper reviews 154 publications covering 181 country case studies to understand the consequences of mining decline. It finds that economic impacts, such as job loss and regional decline, are the most documented, while social and political effects are understudied. The authors argue that successful transitions require long-term planning, strong local leadership, and coordinated financial mechanisms, noting that recovery often takes a decade or more.

The document criticizes the veto by Poland, the Czech Republic, Estonia, and Hungary against the EU's long-term climate strategy, arguing that such political obstruction harms businesses by removing investment certainty. It highlights that energy-intensive industries—specifically steel, cement, and chemicals—account for approximately 40% of greenhouse gas emissions under the EU emissions trading system and have seen no decrease in pollution since 2012. The author asserts that a formal commitment to net-zero emissions by 2050 is essential to signal a clear decarbonisation path, enable the development of financial frameworks, and inform the EU 2030 industrial strategy.

The briefing argues that eligible EU Member States, primarily in Central Eastern Europe, should maximise the Modernisation Fund by transferring allowances from the Article 10c derogation and the Solidarity & Growth Provision. It concludes that the Modernisation Fund is more flexible and effective for energy transition than Article 10c, which has strict financing requirements and limited eligibility. The document also discusses the potential financial impact of Market Stability Reserve (MSR) recalculations on Member State auction revenues.

The authors contend that the EU is paralyzed by institutional inertia, the dominance of the Council, and the influence of vested interests. They critique Emmanuel Macron's reliance on a Franco-German bilateral engine, arguing that it ignores the reality of transnational politics and the effectiveness of coalitions like the Visegrád Group. The text suggests that breaking the deadlock requires leveraging the European Parliament, forming offensive and defensive coalitions, and using strategic unilateral action or the blocking of trade deals to force systemic change.