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The paper explores the shift in African governance from a policy of 'non-interference' to a proactive 'good governance' approach, largely driven by international donor conditionality and the end of the Cold War. It analyzes the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) as a tool for African-led governance reform and the increasing, though inconsistent, role of civil society in these processes. The author concludes that while good governance is a desirable condition, there is limited empirical evidence to prove it is the ultimate prerequisite for sustainable development in Africa.

The document examines Ethiopia's foreign policy under the EPRDF-led government, specifically the Foreign Affairs and National Security Policy and Strategy (FANSPS). It highlights Ethiopia's dominant role in regional peace and security, particularly through IGAD and UN/AU peacekeeping missions, while critiquing the mismatch between this strategic prominence and the allocation of diplomatic and financial resources. The author argues that Ethiopia's focus on internal stability and security has led to a 'sluggish' approach to economic diplomacy and regional integration.

The report examines the 'peace potential' of oil and gas resources, analyzing how joint development, revenue sharing, and infrastructure projects like pipelines can either mitigate or fuel conflict. It contrasts successful cooperation, such as the Saudi-Kuwaiti Partitioned Neutral Zone and Turkey-Iraqi Kurdish relations, with failures in the Caucasus and disputes in the South China Sea and Eastern Mediterranean. The study also addresses the role of international environmental law and the climate impact of transitioning from coal to natural gas.

The paper examines the impact of Chinese resources-for-infrastructure (R4I) swaps on the 'resource curse' in Africa, specifically analyzing mechanisms like price volatility, Dutch disease, rent-seeking, and political conflict. Through case studies of countries such as Angola, the DRC, and Ghana, the author finds that R4I swaps are neither inherently harmful nor a panacea; their developmental impact depends on the capacity of host government institutions to manage risks and opportunities.

The document analyzes a growing trend among African leaders to prioritize 'traditional values' and 'sovereignty' over universal human rights, often using anti-imperialist rhetoric to shield themselves from accountability. It highlights the role of CSOs in fighting this regressive shift, specifically regarding LGBTI rights, corruption, and the International Criminal Court (ICC), while noting that these organisations face increasing government harassment and restrictive legislation.

The policy brief examines the utility of peer review as a 'soft law' compliance mechanism, drawing on global examples like the WTO and OECD to suggest how African regional economic communities (RECs) could implement similar systems. It specifically proposes that the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), which currently focuses on national governance, could be supplemented with regional reviews to better track progress on monetary, trade, and investment integration.

The report examines the integration of indigenous flood forecasting with scientific tools in the Niger Delta of Nigeria. It details a project that deployed weather stations, flood gauges, and GIS-based risk maps across twenty villages to enhance local risk analysis and adaptation. Findings indicate that rural communities possess specific indigenous techniques for forecasting floods and are aware of the risks posed by sea level rise.

The Tanzania Social Action Fund (TASAF) developed a simulation game to communicate the complexities of its productive social safety net (PSSN) program to rural farmers. This tool was designed to help farmers understand conditional cash transfers and how PSSN participation manages rising drought risk. Following tests with over fifty farmers, TASAF adopted the game in 2012 as the primary extension tool for a national rollout targeting 13 million Tanzanians living below the poverty line.

The research finds that most African countries are unlikely to meet the World Bank's target of reducing extreme poverty to below 3% by 2030. Using the International Futures (IFs) model, the authors argue for a more achievable continental goal of reducing extreme poverty to below 20% by 2030 and below 3% by 2063. The paper emphasizes that poverty reduction requires a combination of pro-poor economic growth, social assistance, human development, and progressive social change, noting that policies must be tailored to individual country contexts due to varying initial conditions and poverty gaps.

The document proposes a new analytical framework for understanding organised crime, suggesting that criminal networks act as 'parallel sovereigns' that exercise authority in spaces neglected by formal institutions. It argues that the global neoliberal market has replaced the state as the primary referent of sovereignty, allowing criminal networks to commoditise influence and political connectivity to integrate themselves into governance.

The paper argues that elections in Africa often trigger instability because they are primarily viewed as a means of accessing state resources. It suggests that stability requires 'inclusive political settlements' and a move away from 'electoral autocracy' where elections are used to consolidate power. The author emphasizes the need for credible Election Management Bodies (EMBs), legitimate domestic observation, and inclusive mediation mechanisms involving civil society and traditional leaders to prevent violence.

The relationship between South Africa and China has evolved from formal diplomatic recognition in 1998 to a 'comprehensive strategic partnership' by 2010. While bilateral trade has grown rapidly, with China becoming a primary trading partner, the structure remains imbalanced, characterized by South African raw material exports and Chinese manufactured imports. Investment patterns are unique compared to other African nations, with South African firms historically investing more in China than vice versa, although Chinese FDI is increasing in mining and infrastructure. Diplomatic cooperation is strong in multilateral forums like BRICS and the UN Security Council, though tensions exist regarding commercial competition and public perceptions of Chinese business practices.

The African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) is a US-Africa trade agreement established in 2001 that provides duty-free access to the US market for qualifying sub-Saharan African states. While exports from AGOA countries to the US grew by 78% between 2001 and 2014, the trade is heavily dominated by energy and commodities, with mineral fuels and oils accounting for 68% of imports. South Africa is a primary beneficiary, contributing an estimated 62,395 jobs and exporting high-end manufactured goods such as vehicles, unlike many other AGOA partners who rely on raw materials.

The document outlines the initial capital, governance, and operational goals of the New Development Bank and the Contingent Reserve Arrangement. The NDB is intended for infrastructure and development projects with an initial capital of $50 billion, while the CRA is a $100 billion foreign exchange pool designed to support BRICS governments during liquidity or balance of payments crises.

The document identifies significant productivity gaps in Africa's oil palm sector compared to Southeast Asia, citing low yields and inefficient extraction. It proposes closing the yield gap, improving oil extraction rates (OER), and implementing outgrower schemes to reduce dependence on imports. The author argues that capturing downstream value, such as biodiesel and oleochemicals, requires private sector investment facilitated by government land reforms and the establishment of a marketing board to ensure quality standards for export markets.

The paper examines why elections in Africa often trigger violence and fail to legitimise power, attributing this to high stakes regarding access to state resources. It argues that technical fixes are insufficient and that stability requires inclusive political settlements, credible election management bodies (EMBs), and robust domestic observation and mediation systems involving civil society and traditional leaders.

The paper examines electoral management in Benin, Cape Verde, Ghana, Nigeria, Senegal, and Sierra Leone, highlighting a trend toward independent or hybrid EMB models. It identifies critical challenges including the high cost of elections, executive interference in appointments and tenure, and the complexities of electoral dispute adjudication. The author argues that the effectiveness of EMBs is often undermined by a political culture of impunity and zero-sum politics, despite formal legal guarantees of independence.

Natural gas, primarily composed of methane, forms from the thermal breakdown of ancient organic matter under heat and pressure. Its storage depends on rock porosity and permeability, with deposits categorized as conventional or unconventional. In the United States, the Energy Information Administration estimated 2,203 trillion cubic feet of recoverable gas in 2009, though global reserves are significantly higher, with Russia holding the largest share.

The document examines the tension between the Africa Mining Vision's goals of sustainable development and the legal constraints imposed by Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs). It evaluates ownership-related policies and performance requirements, concluding that while these tools can be effective for creating national champions and local linkages, they often conflict with treaty obligations regarding national treatment and expropriation.

The document argues that agricultural cooperatives promote inclusive investment by allowing farmers to maintain control over resources while achieving economies of scale. It highlights that well-organized cooperatives reduce risk for foreign investors and facilitate more efficient contracting. The brief emphasizes that government support should be limited to creating an enabling legal environment and providing technical resources, rather than interfering in internal management, as bottom-up initiatives are generally more successful.