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Nepal's textile and clothing exports, particularly ready-made garments and hand-knotted wool carpets, remain key revenue sources despite structural obstacles like high logistics costs and labor shortages. While the sector has survived through niche branding and LDC preferential market access, the impending loss of LDC status threatens to increase tariffs and tighten rules of origin. The authors argue that the government should replace inefficient ad valorem subsidies with investments in market information, business development, and inter-institutional coordination to maintain competitiveness.

Nepal's textile and clothing sector, particularly ready-made garments and hand-knotted wool carpets, remains a key export source despite structural limitations and declining manufacturing value added. Competitiveness is currently sustained by unique craftsmanship, niche branding, and LDC-based preferential market access. However, the sector faces significant hurdles, including high logistics costs due to its landlocked status, skilled labor shortages, and low productivity, with unit costs estimated to be at least 25% higher than competitors like Bangladesh. The upcoming LDC graduation threatens to increase tariffs and tighten rules of origin, potentially reducing garment exports by 13.3%. The authors argue for a shift in policy from ad-valorem subsidies toward market intelligence, business development services, and improved inter-ministerial coordination, citing Ethiopia's export coordination model as a potential example for success.

The briefing examines the tensions between WTO members over agricultural subsidies, public stocks, and export restrictions. It argues that for MC13 to be successful, the WTO must move beyond non-binding declarations toward binding commitments, specifically proposing an export restriction exemption for Least Developed Countries (LDCs) to ensure food availability during crises.

The Trade Knowledge Network (TKN), coordinated by the International Institute for Sustainable Development since 1998, is a global collaboration of research institutions across Africa, Asia, Europe, and the Americas. It focuses on strengthening research capacity in developing countries to generate policy analysis on the impacts of trade and investment on sustainable development. The TKN operates through four pillars: strengthening Southern research capacity, generating innovative policy research, connecting with policy-makers, and building a global research network. Its approach is 'Southern-driven,' ensuring research is executed within the local contexts where it is applied. Recent projects have addressed regional trade integration, commodity price volatility, food security in Africa linked to climate change and land degradation, and foreign direct investment incentives in Southeast Asia. Since 1998, the TKN has partnered with over 35 institutions in 28 countries and published more than 80 reports.

The evaluation concludes that the CMC hybrid model—combining community radio and telecentre services—is an outstanding success in promoting social inclusion, cultural resilience, and poverty alleviation. Key achievements include the integration of CMCs into local communities and the creation of new livelihood opportunities. However, the report identifies significant challenges, including a lack of internal intersectoral cooperation within UNESCO, inconsistent field office support, and the financial instability of centres relying on volunteers and limited revenue. The evaluation recommends that UNESCO establish a clearer strategic interest in the initiative, develop a more structured Results Based Management (RBM) framework for scaling up, and advocate for enabling national policy environments regarding ICT connectivity and broadcast licensing.

The document defines standards for sustainable trade as non-legally binding instruments that integrate environmental and social sustainability into the trading process. It argues that while these standards can reward sustainable production, they may unfairly restrict market access for developing countries due to information gaps, high compliance costs, or irrelevant requirements. The paper details the institutional capacities needed to develop, apply, and demonstrate compliance with these standards, and proposes a demand-driven, regional approach to capacity building involving South-South cooperation and private sector engagement.

The report examines the recruitment and deployment of Gurkhas by private security firms in Africa, highlighting a shift from traditional mercenary activity to a broader range of security services. It details the operations of Gurkha Security Guards (GSG), including its work for Lonrho in Mozambique and its controversial training contract in Sierra Leone, as well as the activities of Defence Systems Limited (DSL). The text notes that while Gurkhas are marketed as disciplined and cost-effective, their use has faced resentment in countries like Angola due to a lack of workforce indigenisation. The document concludes that the market for expatriate Gurkha security is declining in favor of joint ventures with local partners.

The document examines the gap between the IUCN's formal commitment to protect environmental defenders via Resolution 115 and the actual implementation of a global policy and action plan. It highlights the extreme risks faced by defenders globally and specifically in Africa, including gender-based violence against women defenders and the criminalization of activists. While noting a few regional projects and the importance of IUCN's public statements, the report argues that the organization remains largely reactive and lacks a systematic strategy, funding, and reporting mechanism to address the structural drivers of violence against those protecting nature.

The study analyzes 285 conflict episodes to determine how natural resources affect the duration of postconflict peace. It identifies three primary mechanisms: distribution, financing, and aggravation. The findings indicate that while natural resource conflicts generally show shorter peace periods bivariately, only conflicts driven by disagreements over the distribution of resources and revenues significantly increase the risk of recurrence in a multivariate analysis. This suggests that resource-related grievances are a more persistent driver of conflict relapse than the mere opportunity to finance warfare.

The study finds that climate-related natural disasters in India have a conditional and generally weak relationship with violent conflict. While disasters can increase the risk of politically motivated violence in areas with low literacy (low development), they are associated with an increased risk of riots in areas with higher literacy. However, the author concludes that these statistical relations are not substantively large enough to suggest that post-disaster violence is a major problem in India, as the direct damages from disasters likely dwarf the damages from ensuing unrest.

The review finds a general scholarly consensus that higher levels of education have a pacifying effect on civil conflict, though this relationship is complex and varies by the type of violence. While low education is often linked to recruitment in civil wars, higher education levels are frequently observed among terrorists and genocide perpetrators. The authors highlight that inter-group educational inequalities—particularly along ethnic and religious lines—significantly increase conflict risks, whereas rapid expansions in tertiary education do not appear to drive destabilization. The document concludes that while education generally promotes peace, its impact is mediated by factors such as regime type, gender equality, and the specific nature of the political violence.

The report argues that formal education systems can either fuel or mitigate armed conflict depending on their inclusivity, quality, and relationship with the community. Through case studies in Guatemala, Nepal, and Liberia, the author identifies four conflict-transforming concepts: equitable inclusion, positive socialization, the creation of social capital, and the provision of socio-economic benefits. The study finds that educational exclusion and authoritarian teaching methods often mirror and reinforce the structural inequalities that drive conflict, while participatory, child-centered education and equitable resource distribution can raise the opportunity costs of joining rebellions and foster a culture of non-violence. The report recommends that national governments and international donors integrate education into peacebuilding processes, prioritize social justice in curricula, and better link schooling to the labor market to ensure that education provides tangible hope and economic mobility.

The author challenges the view that Sikh martial identity was solely a product of British recruitment or a reaction to Mughal persecution, arguing instead that it emerged from a combination of internal social shifts—such as the entry of Jat peasants—and external political pressures. The text traces the transition from Guru Nanak's peaceful teachings to the militarized Khalsa under Guru Gobind Singh and the subsequent insurgencies led by Banda Bahadur and the Misl confederacies. It further examines how the British 'Martial Race' theory reinforced this identity for strategic imperial goals, a legacy that continues to influence the military composition and political dynamics of modern India and Pakistan.

The research argues that ethnic terrorism declines when governments implement accommodation strategies, such as granting political power or regional autonomy to marginalized groups. Using a dataset linking the Global Terrorism Database to the Ethnic Power Relations project, the authors find that moves away from active discrimination significantly reduce the expected number of terrorist attacks. While transitions to democracy generally reduce ethnic terrorism, the effect is heterogeneous, with some Asian countries showing increased activity. The study also notes that while overall terrorism declines after accommodation, attacks by splinter groups may increase as hardliners reject settlements.

The review finds strong empirical support for the argument that high levels of group-based economic and political deprivation increase the likelihood of armed conflict, particularly when combined with political exclusion. While economic deprivation is a consistent driver, the role of relative privilege is less clear. The authors highlight significant knowledge gaps regarding social horizontal inequalities, within-group inequality, and the mediating role of perceptions. Methodologically, the paper notes challenges with data quality and endogeneity, suggesting that while the inequality-conflict relationship generally holds under instrumental variable analysis, more granular, individual-level, and non-ethnic group studies are required.

The author examines the 'quantitative-qualitative mismatch' in conflict studies, where large-N statistical analyses often find no link between income inequality and violence, while case studies suggest a strong connection. The paper posits that political violence is a group phenomenon and therefore driven by horizontal inequalities (HIs)—systematic disparities between ethnic, religious, or regional groups—rather than vertical inequalities (VI) between individuals. The author proposes a theoretical framework where HIs create both motives (grievances) and opportunities (resources and cohesion) for mobilization. The review concludes that while measuring HIs is challenging, evidence from survey-based data and disaggregated studies supports the link between HIs and various forms of political violence, including civil war and urban disorder.

The text introduces a research volume reviewing women's political empowerment in post-war Nepal. It situates the Nepali experience within the global United Nations Women, Peace and Security (WPS) framework, specifically UNSCR 1325. The authors highlight Nepal's milestones, such as the election of its first female President and Speaker, and the adoption of a National Action Plan on WPS. However, they note a gap in scholarly research regarding the political agency of female ex-combatants, who made up a significant portion of the Maoist People's Liberation Army. The volume aims to analyze whether increased female participation in governance and activism has led to genuine social transformation and gender equality.

The authors present the During-Conflict Justice (DCJ) dataset, which catalogues 2,205 justice processes across 204 internal armed conflicts in 108 countries between 1946 and 2011. The research identifies that DCJ is a common tool, appearing in over 60% of conflicts since WWII, with governments being the primary adopters (70.4%). The study finds that democratic governments are more likely to use DCJ, particularly trials, truth commissions, and reparations, compared to autocracies. Rebel groups tend to use DCJ more frequently when fighting democracies and as their own relative military strength increases. Analysis suggests that government-initiated DCJ is correlated with a reduction in battle deaths in the following year and a higher likelihood of the conflict ending in a negotiated settlement rather than a military victory.

The paper examines how women in a conflict-affected district of Assam utilize the concept of 'motherhood' to enter the political sphere and engage in peacebuilding. It challenges security expert assumptions that these women lack independent agency, finding instead that while they are often linked to tribal identities and militant factions, they use these alliances to build political power. The author notes a tension between 'motherhood' as a tool for tribal mobilization and as a potential basis for a common female identity for peace. The study also highlights the barriers to formal political participation, such as male-dominated party structures and a lack of seat reservations in tribal areas.

The document examines the contested nature of 'power sharing,' noting that it is often implemented as a tool for conflict resolution but yields contradictory results in research. It identifies four primary types of power sharing: political, military, territorial, and economic. The author argues that findings vary based on whether researchers view power sharing as a means to achieve stable democracy (consociationalism) or as a tool for postconflict conflict management. While some studies suggest inclusive institutions prolong peace by addressing rebel security concerns, others argue they reward violence, strengthen ethnic divisions, and hinder democratic accountability by marginalizing opposition.