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The briefing examines the tension between economic growth and environmental sustainability in the Mekong subregion (Cambodia, Lao PDR, Myanmar, Thailand, and Vietnam) and ASEAN. It argues that while regional strategies and national laws exist, actual commitment to environmental protection in trade policy remains low, often driven more by foreign donor interests than by regional political will. The author highlights the 'ASEAN Way' of non-binding consensus as a barrier to enforcement and recommends strengthening regional ownership and civil society engagement.

The document examines the tension between rapid economic transition and environmental degradation in the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS). It highlights how trade liberalization and infrastructure development, such as economic corridors and hydropower projects, have contributed to soil erosion and illegal wildlife and timber trade. While regional frameworks like the ASEAN Regional Action Plan on Trade in Wild Fauna and Flora and the Singapore Declaration on Climate Change exist, the report argues they are often non-binding 'soft law' and lack enforcement capacity. It specifically notes that climate change is expected to increase basin-wide temperatures by 0.79C and flooding by 2030. The author recommends that GMS countries coordinate conservation laws, establish a unified greenhouse gas inventory system, and subject trading mechanisms to formal climate risk assessments to move beyond 'token commitments'.

The report finds that while Southeast Asian nations have adopted environmental legislation, these concerns are frequently sidelined by industrialization and trade liberalization goals. In the Mekong subregion (Cambodia, Lao PDR, Myanmar, Thailand, and Vietnam), the integration of environmental sustainability into trade policy is primarily driven by foreign donors rather than regional institutions like the Asian Development Bank or the Mekong River Commission. While Thailand shows progress through judicial intervention and business awareness, and Vietnam through donor-funded strategic plans, regional agreements like the ASEAN-China Free Trade Agreement lack environmental cooperation provisions. The report concludes that the 'ASEAN Way' of soft law and a lack of administrative capacity hinder enforcement, and recommends strengthening regional ownership and coordination between donors and the ASEAN Secretariat.

The report examines the role of ecolabelling and environmental standards in the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) and the wider ASEAN region. It argues that while these tools are intended to be 'trade-positive', they often function as barriers to trade for GMS countries due to high costs and inadequate technological infrastructure. The analysis reveals that ecolabelling in the GMS is primarily export-oriented, targeting developed markets like the EU, while intraregional trade in primary products remains largely unregulated by environmental standards. The report concludes with recommendations to build national standards bodies, foster a domestic culture of environmental consciousness, and enhance ASEAN-wide cooperation on common standards.

The report argues that food security in mainland Southeast Asia is a complex, cross-cutting issue that cannot be addressed solely through agricultural policy. It examines how trade liberalization can stimulate economic growth and food access, while climate change threatens agricultural availability and stability through extreme weather events. Using Cambodia as a case study, the document highlights the vulnerability of agrarian economies to external shocks, such as the 2008 food crisis and the 200810 global recession. The author concludes that food security requires a holistic, participatory approach with a long-term vision, urging countries in the Mekong region to resist protectionist measures like rice cartels and to integrate climate adaptation into national planning.

The report assesses the tension between economic growth through trade facilitation and the preservation of biodiversity in the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS). It argues that while measures to ease the movement of goods and people—such as those proposed by the WTO, ASEAN, and the GMS Cross Border Transport Agreement—can stimulate economic development, they also risk exacerbating the illegal trade in wildlife and timber by providing easier transit routes for smugglers. The author highlights that current conservation efforts are often fragmented by national borders, whereas the ecoregions they protect are transboundary. The report recommends that GMS states rationalize conservation measures, strengthen penal laws, and coordinate customs intelligence to mitigate the risks posed by trade facilitation.

The report examines how trade liberalization in Southeast Asia affects women across the manufacturing, agricultural, and services sectors. It argues that trade policies are typically 'gender blind,' ignoring the asymmetric impacts on women due to existing social and economic inequalities. While liberalization has created some employment opportunities, it has also led to wage gaps, poor working conditions, and increased vulnerability for poor women. The document concludes that women's participation in high-level policymaking has not translated into gender-sensitive trade policies and recommends putting women at the center of trade analysis and providing social safety nets.

The report examines the intersection of trade and climate change in the Mekong subregion (Cambodia, Lao PDR, Myanmar, Thailand, and Vietnam). It argues that while ASEAN promotes economic integration and trade liberalization, these frameworks often lack explicit climate change commitments, potentially increasing the region's vulnerability. The document highlights projected climate risks—such as sea-level rise, altered precipitation, and temperature increases—that threaten agricultural production and natural resources. It concludes that ASEAN's trade agreements (FTAs/EPAs) generally fail to incorporate climate risk assessments or mitigation strategies, recommending the mainstreaming of climate concerns into economic cooperation frameworks.

The author contends that existing reactive decision-making frameworks are insufficient for climate change adaptation, which involves both frequent climatic hazards and slow-onset risks. He advocates for a shift from disaster management to disaster preparedness, citing Bangladesh's success in reducing cyclone fatalities as a model. The paper emphasizes that adaptation will require science-oriented approaches, increased climate literacy, and a global responsibility to manage planned relocation for communities in uninhabitable areas. Finally, it suggests that rich countries can learn from the participatory and institutional experiences of Least Developed Countries (LDCs) and community-based adaptation initiatives.

The document examines the theoretical tension between universal human rights and state sovereignty, using South Africa as a case study. It argues that while human rights are widely accepted as legitimate in foreign policy, their practical application is often hindered by the principle of non-interference. The author critiques South Africa's perceived shift from the moral leadership of the Mandela era toward a policy of protecting state sovereignty, particularly in its dealings with Zimbabwe, Sudan, and Burma. The paper concludes that South Africa must move beyond an absolutist notion of sovereignty and integrate a broader spectrum of human rights—including socio-economic rights—into its concrete foreign policy practice to regain its international reputation.

The document argues that a proposed Indonesia-EU FTA (IEUFTA) could deepen economic imbalances unless Indonesia's development interests are prioritized. It identifies key friction points including policy space, market access barriers, and the risk of 'WTO-plus' commitments that could marginalize poor populations.

The report assesses the risk of earthquakes, floods, tropical cyclones, landslides, droughts, tsunamis, and civil conflict in the Asia-Pacific region. It employs a semi-quantitative approach to map hazard hotspots and estimate exposed populations, using the latter as a proxy for risk due to data limitations on mortality. The study introduces a 'coping capacity' index to evaluate national institutional ability to manage disasters. Key findings highlight that Bangladesh and the Philippines face the highest overall risk, while the region's high population density in hazard-prone areas exacerbates potential losses. The report also notes a strong correlation between natural disasters and armed conflict, suggesting that improving disaster preparedness can simultaneously mitigate conflict hazards by enhancing state service delivery in marginalized areas.

The research paper examines the marginal role of Least Developed Countries (LDCs) in the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and evaluates whether preferential access to the EU ETS can increase their participation. It finds that such access is insufficient unless underlying barriers—including limited institutional capacity, lack of financing, and high transaction costs—are addressed. The authors use supply-demand scenarios for 2013-2020 and a comparison with the Lomé Conventions in agricultural trade to argue that financial incentives for high-value projects and reduced access costs are more critical than market access alone.

The study finds that new ICTs, particularly internet access, are positively associated with government respect for human rights, whereas older technologies such as television and landline telephones are negatively associated with them. Using a large-N dataset, the authors argue that the internet empowers civil society and raises the costs of state repression, whereas older mass media can be more easily captured by states for control and demobilization. The results suggest that internet access can leverage the effects of autocratic regimes upward, improving human rights outcomes even in non-democratic contexts.

The document explores the tension between 'mainstream' and 'progressive' regionalism in Southeast Asia. It argues that while ASEAN has introduced a 'people-oriented' approach to gain support, civil society advocates for a 'people-centred' model where citizens are at the heart of decision-making. The author details the evolution of civil society engagement, from early academic and business influence via ASEAN-ISIS to more aggressive advocacy by networks like the Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacies (SAPA). The paper concludes that alternative regionalism is emerging as a bottom-up process seeking to integrate human rights, social protection, and democratic participation into the regional framework.

The paper argues that ASEAN's pursuit of sustainable development remains largely rhetorical, as its economic integration initiatives—such as AFTA and the AEC—often prioritize neoliberal open regionalism over the needs of marginalized groups. While the region has seen growth, significant disparities persist, with 21% of the population living in absolute poverty. The author suggests that ASEAN can become a development-oriented organization by reforming its policy of non-interference, empowering semi-skilled migrant workers and small-scale farmers, and increasing transparency in policymaking.

The research finds that civil conflicts last longer when they are located far from the government stronghold, near international borders, or in regions with valuable minerals like gemstones and petroleum. Conversely, higher rebel military capacity is associated with shorter conflict durations. The study concludes that geography significantly shapes the balance of power and the ability of belligerents to sustain warfare.

The document analyzes the tension between South Africa's early post-apartheid commitment to human rights and its subsequent foreign policy priorities, which shifted toward African solidarity, global governance reform, and strategic relations with powers like China. It highlights specific controversies, such as the treatment of Zimbabwe and the denial of a visa to the Dalai Lama, as evidence of this shift.

The report finds that REDD is a low-cost climate mitigation strategy, with $20 billion in annual funding potentially reducing 2020 deforestation emissions by 50%. However, it argues that political and institutional constraints—specifically the capacity and interest of major emitters like Brazil and Indonesia—will likely delay the implementation of a comprehensive global system until 2020 or later.

The report assesses the environmental consequences of the ASEAN-China Free Trade Agreement (ACFTA) on the Greater Mekong Sub-region (GMS). It finds that while trade has increased, a third of the trade volume involves highly polluting sectors, with much of this pollution originating in China. In Cambodia, imports of polluting goods from China have improved the local environment at the expense of China's, while the increase in natural resource-based exports threatens resource sustainability due to weak regulation. The author concludes that the ACFTA's lack of environmental cooperation provisions is a significant policy shortcoming.