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The report identifies a significant gap between the climate goals of WAEMU member states and their financial capacity to implement them. While there is interest in green bonds, the market is hindered by underdeveloped regional financial infrastructure, a lack of technical expertise in green eligibility and reporting, and a dominance of sovereign debt that crowds out corporate issuers. The document recommends strengthening regulatory frameworks, providing technical assistance for project pipeline development, and utilizing risk-mitigation tools like guarantees to attract a more diverse investor base beyond commercial banks.

The report finds that while there is interest in Green Bonds in the WAEMU region, the market is in a nascent stage due to underdeveloped financial infrastructure, a lack of government focus on climate regulatory frameworks, and limited technical capacity among stakeholders. It identifies energy, agriculture, and clean transportation as priority sectors and recommends sustained capacity building, the development of regional guidelines, and the use of technical assistance and risk-transfer instruments to attract investors.

The report analyzes how the informality of artisanal and small-scale gold mining (ASGM) in Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger facilitates illicit financial flows (IFFs) and fuels regional conflict. It examines the legal frameworks, the scale of gold smuggling—particularly to the UAE—and the ways non-state armed groups exploit mining sites for funding and recruitment. The document highlights a 'vicious circle' where state absence and corruption drive miners toward informal or militant-controlled sites, while recommending simplified formalization, tax harmonization, and multi-level governance to stabilize the sector.

The document analyzes China's strategic efforts to increase its presence in West Africa, contrasting the deep, multi-sectoral engagement in Ghana with the more recent and technology-focused growth in Senegal. It attributes these differences to the length of diplomatic relations and the lingering influence of former colonial powers, particularly France.

The report reviews 24 financing strategies from developing countries, categorizing them into discrete adaptation strategies and general climate action strategies. It finds that while these documents help communicate priorities and attract international grants, there is a significant gap in strategic analysis regarding how to leverage public finance to attract private investment. The report emphasizes the need for stronger engagement from ministries of finance and planning, as well as improved country-level tracking of climate finance to measure the actual impact of these strategies.

The document outlines a plan to transition the Economic and Social Development Agency (ADES) from a humanitarian organization to a GCF-accredited entity. It identifies critical gaps in ADES's fiduciary standards, environmental and social safeguards (ESS), and gender policies. The proposed 18-month intervention includes updating organizational manuals, training staff on climate finance and GCF investment criteria, and co-developing three project concept notes and one Project Preparation Facility (PPF) request. The goal is to increase Chad's country ownership of climate projects and enhance the implementation of its Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) and Country Programme.

The Stockholm Environment Institute (SEI) highlights the need for integrated planning to manage synergies and trade-offs between the Paris Agreement and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. The briefing presents the Low Emissions Analysis Platform (LEAP) as a unique open-access, quantitative, and prospective tool capable of analyzing both Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) and SDGs. SEI's Initiative on Integrated Climate and Development Planning has expanded LEAP with extensions for macroeconomic impacts, health, agriculture, and land use, which have been applied in 16 countries to quantify the co-benefits of climate action.

The report projects a modest average GDP growth rate of 1.8% for Algeria between 2020 and 2040, which is deemed insufficient to improve livelihoods due to a state-led economic system and heavy dependence on hydrocarbons. It highlights that the country faces critical pressures from climate change, water scarcity, and poor agricultural yields, alongside political instability and regional security threats. The authors argue that Algeria must implement comprehensive social, economic, and governance reforms to diversify its economy and rebuild its social contract.

Russia has increased its presence in Africa through defense and security partnerships, positioning itself as an alternative to Western paternalism. However, the document argues that Russia lacks the financial capacity to compete with the U.S., EU, and China, as evidenced by its modest trade volume and the contrast with China's massive infrastructure investments. The war in Ukraine has further complicated this strategy by draining resources and increasing international sanctions.

The report examines the African Union's struggle to deter military coups and combat terrorism, highlighting the limitations of current frameworks and the need for a more holistic approach. It focuses on the Malabo summit's agenda, including the Accra Declaration on unconstitutional changes of government and the establishment of an African Standby Force counterterrorism unit. The document also analyzes the security volatility in the Lake Chad Basin and the fragile humanitarian truce in Ethiopia, arguing for a shift from purely militaristic responses to those incorporating political and social measures.

The document examines how Norway, as a small state, navigated a challenging geopolitical environment to maintain the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda in the UN Security Council. It highlights Norway's use of coalition-building, its presidency, and civil society engagement to secure WPS language in mandates and increase the number of women briefing the Council, despite resistance from permanent members like Russia and China.

The Lagos Declaration on Community Justice outlines a series of pledges by West African organisations to strengthen legal empowerment for the poor. Key commitments include training paralegals to address climate change and land rights, increasing the participation of women in legal work, and advocating for the formal recognition of community paralegals across the region. The participating organisations, forming the West Africa Legal Empowerment Network, aim to co-create participatory action research to tackle environmental and land justice challenges in both rural and urban settings.

The report examines the drivers of recent coups in West Africa and the need for the AU to strengthen normative frameworks against unconstitutional changes of government. It assesses the shift in EU financing from the Africa Peace Facility (APF) to the European Peace Facility (EPF), warning that this may increase European militarism and reduce AU leadership in peace operations. Additionally, it evaluates the transition from AMISOM to ATMIS in Somalia and the potential for joint AU-UN mediation to resolve the political stalemate in Sudan.

The document examines Russia's soft-power strategy in Africa, noting that while Russia is primarily associated with hard power, it leverages Soviet-era legacies, education, and anti-Western narratives to attract African elites and populations. It identifies key strengths in the promotion of multipolarity and traditional values, while highlighting limitations such as insufficient financial resources and the mixed results of vaccine diplomacy.

Russia is employing a strategy of 'hedging its bets' in Libya, maintaining relations with the UN-recognised Government of National Unity while simultaneously supporting Khalifa Haftar via private military contractors and backing Saif al-Islam Gaddafi. By supporting the postponement of elections and denying links to the Wagner Group, Moscow aims to erode Western influence, maintain a Mediterranean naval presence, and ensure a permanent military foothold regardless of the political outcome.

The briefing outlines critical areas of focus for Africa in 2022, including democratic transitions in eighteen countries, the management of military coups in states like Mali and Sudan, and the fight against terrorism in regions such as the Lake Chad Basin. It highlights Africa's priorities for COP27, specifically the need for climate finance, technology transfer, and a just transition that supports industrialisation. Additionally, it examines the evolution of China-Africa relations following the FOCAC Ministerial Meeting and the potential impact of China's debt on Kenya's elections.

The document argues that EU efforts to secure peace in Libya have been undermined by competing national interests, particularly between France and Italy, and a tendency to prioritize short-term goals like migration externalization and energy resource access. While the EU has successfully used Libya to limit migrant crossings through disputed agreements like the Valletta Memorandum, these same mechanisms have not translated into political stability. The author suggests that the EU should employ multi-track diplomacy and a concerted, unified approach that incorporates Libyan interests to achieve a sustainable peace.

The document analyzes Russia's use of 'soft power' in Africa, highlighting the role of state-owned outlets like RT and Sputnik in promoting anti-Western narratives. It details the transition from traditional media to digital influence campaigns, including the use of 'troll farms' and local proxies to sow division and build pro-Russian sentiment. The report specifically examines the Central African Republic as a case study of 'hybrid warfare,' where digital campaigns are combined with on-the-ground activities such as film production and the financing of local radio. While these efforts aim to project an image of Russia as a major power, the document notes they are conducted on a limited budget and face increasing detection by tech companies.

The policy brief examines the role of science-policy interfaces (SPIs) in identifying environmental risks and informing global policy since the 1972 Stockholm Conference. It analyzes successful models like the IPCC and IPBES, while evaluating current proposals for new SPIs focused on chemicals and waste and food systems. The author highlights the challenges of power imbalances and the need for credibility, inclusivity, and transparency in SPI design.

The author examines why most African countries have failed to ratify the 2018 Free Movement of Persons protocol despite its potential to boost trade, investment, and living standards. While small or poorer nations like Benin and Seychelles have adopted liberal visa policies, larger and wealthier states remain hesitant due to fears of economic competition and xenophobic political mobilization. To break this logjam, the author suggests clarifying the implementation roadmap, linking free movement to free trade processes, improving civil registration and identity systems, and encouraging progress through smaller regional or ad hoc groupings.