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The WACC Strategic Plan 2017–2021 establishes a framework to promote 'communication for all' as a fundamental human right. The organization aims to support marginalized populations—specifically those denied communication rights based on gender, status, or identity—through advocacy, capacity-building, and the creation of global networks. Key initiatives include the Global Media Monitoring Project (GMMP), the development of a Communication Rights Index, and a campaign to end news media sexism by 2020. WACC aligns its goals with the UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Paris Agreement, positioning communication as essential for achieving these global targets.

Nigeria faces severe economic water scarcity and climate-driven ecological challenges, including desertification in the north and oil pollution in the Niger Delta. These stressors, compounded by weak governance, have fueled violent conflicts: Boko Haram leverages frustration over water deprivation, ethnic tensions rise in the Middle Belt due to shifting rainfall patterns affecting herders and farmers, and militants in the Niger Delta attack oil infrastructure over land and water rights. The document argues that Nigeria's instability poses risks to U.S. security interests regarding global oil prices, regional extremism, and migration, recommending U.S. support for drought-tolerant seeds, remote sensing for crisis prediction, and improved local water governance.

As of 31 October 2016, the GCF pipeline consists of 46 funding proposals requesting USD 3.2 billion and 169 concept notes requesting USD 7.9 billion. The portfolio includes 27 approved projects, with varying levels of progress in fulfilling conditions for the execution of Funded Activity Agreements (FAAs). The document also tracks the progress of direct access entities and a pilot programme for micro-, small- and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs), which has shortlisted 7 concept notes for funding up to USD 100 million.

The document analyzes Côte d’Ivoire's transition from a passive actor during decades of crisis to a re-emerging regional power under President Alassane Ouattara. It examines the institutional framework of Ivorian diplomacy, its bilateral relations with neighbors, and its leadership roles within regional organizations like UEMOA and ECOWAS, while noting the enduring influence of Félix Houphouët-Boigny's legacy.

The document analyzes adaptation efforts in 15 countries across Africa and Asia, highlighting a universal prioritization of the agricultural sector and significant gaps in subnational planning and monitoring systems. While national-level policy frameworks are advancing, the review identifies a persistent lack of adaptation programming in health, forestry, and fisheries, and notes that progress is driven more by political leadership and donor priorities than by development status or climate risk levels.

The document examines how ECOWAS implements the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), focusing on 'sustaining peace' through conflict prevention, mediation, and peacebuilding. It highlights ECOWAS's sophisticated early warning system (ECOWARN) and its recent institutionalization of mediation through a new directorate, while noting significant gaps in post-conflict reconstruction and development (PCRD). The paper argues for clearer definitions of comparative advantage and subsidiarity between ECOWAS and the African Union (AU) to avoid duplication and improve regional stability.

The document analyzes Nigeria's struggle to maintain its status as a 'regional hegemon' since the return to democracy in 1999. It argues that while Nigeria has a history of assertive 'Africa-centred' foreign policy, this has been eroded by domestic instability, corruption, the Boko Haram insurgency, and a lack of strategic leadership. The author highlights a shift in continental pre-eminence from Nigeria to South Africa and notes that Nigeria's regional influence in West Africa is contested and often dependent on external actors like France. The paper concludes that only a fundamental restructuring of domestic governance and the economy can restore Nigeria's international standing.

The 'Green Business Area' in Konseguela, Mali, is a pilot project by GERES that provides 11 rural businesses with electricity via a 12.5 kWp hybrid mini-grid using solar photovoltaics and locally produced agro-fuels. The project utilizes bioclimatic construction and a pricing model based on space rental and energy sales, creating 24 direct jobs within its first year of operation.

The document examines FSD Kenya's intervention to scale savings groups in Kenya by reducing formation costs and improving sustainability. It evaluates these efforts through the 'Adopt-Adapt-Expand-Respond' (AAER) framework, highlighting the transition from donor-funded pilots to fee-for-service models and the attempt to link informal groups to formal banking services like Postbank.

The document analyzes China's transition from a non-interference policy to a more active role in African peace and security, driven by the need to protect its economic interests and a desire to establish itself as a 'responsible great power'. It contrasts Chinese and Western interpretations of human rights and peacebuilding, noting China's preference for socio-economic rights and state-led stability. While China has increased its UN peacekeeping contributions and partnered with the African Union, the report notes a contradiction in its role as a major arms supplier to the continent.

The document examines youth radicalisation in Africa as a complex phenomenon driven by a combination of 'push' and 'pull' factors. It argues that while religious ideology is often used as a justification, the actual drivers are frequently rooted in political repression, systemic corruption, socio-economic exclusion, and weakened family structures. The paper emphasizes that responses must be nuanced and evidence-based, moving beyond a 'one size fits all' approach to address specific local and structural vulnerabilities.

The document analyzes the dynamics of youth radicalization in Africa, arguing that it is a complex process driven by a combination of 'push' and 'pull' factors rather than a single cause. It highlights how government repression, corruption, high youth unemployment, and social exclusion create vulnerabilities that extremist groups like ISIS, Al-Shabaab, and Boko Haram exploit. The paper emphasizes that while religion is often used as a justification, the root causes are frequently socio-political and economic. It also examines the role of gender, noting that while most recruits are male, women's participation is increasing, often driven by different motivations or forced coercion.

The study finds that ethnic civil wars have indeed declined since the mid-1990s, supporting Ted Robert Gurr's projections. The authors demonstrate that this pacifying trend is associated with increased government accommodation, specifically through the granting of group rights, power-sharing, and democratization, which reduce the probability of conflict onset. Additionally, regional autonomy and peacekeeping operations are found to significantly increase the likelihood of conflict termination. Out-of-sample predictions show that a theory-driven model based on accommodative politics far outperforms a simple time-trend model in predicting the actual decline of ethnic conflict from 2000 to 2013.

The report finds that Africa is not on track to meet Sustainable Development Goal 6 (SDG 6) for universal WASH access by 2030. Using the International Futures (IFs) forecasting system, the authors analyze three paths: a 'Current Path' where few countries meet targets; a 'Universal Access' scenario requiring aggressive investment; and a 'Balancing WASH' scenario that prioritizes high-impact, lower-cost improvements. While universal access offers the highest economic and health gains, it requires an additional US$122 billion in infrastructure spending and may force detrimental trade-offs in health and education budgets. The 'Balancing WASH' approach is presented as a more realistic alternative, delivering approximately 50% of the human development benefits of universal access at only 30% of the cost (US$36 billion).

The paper investigates the impact of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) on governance in Africa by comparing Ibrahim Index of African Governance (IIAG) scores between 2003 and 2015 for reviewed members, non-reviewed members, and non-members. It finds that while APRM members generally performed better than non-members, there is no significant difference in progress between those who underwent a full review and those who merely joined. The author suggests this indicates a 'self-selection' bias where states already inclined toward reform join the APRM, rather than the mechanism itself causing the improvement. The paper also notes a trend where economic and corporate governance gains often occur alongside stagnant or declining political freedoms, specifically citing Rwanda and Mali as contrasting case studies.

The Green Climate Fund (GCF) Secretariat reports progress in its public and private sector pipelines, the simplification of funding proposal templates, and the expansion of readiness support to 45 countries. Key achievements include the signing of contribution agreements with five additional countries and the launch of a new website to enhance stakeholder engagement. The Secretariat also operationalized its accreditation framework, moving 11 applicants to stage II, and provided substantive support for the development of the GCF Strategic Plan.

Mali is highly vulnerable to climate change due to its dependence on agriculture, low development levels, and political fragility. While the government has established a comprehensive policy framework—including the National Climate Change Policy and the Mali Climate Fund—integration of climate risks into sectoral and sub-national policies remains weak. Adaptation efforts are heavily concentrated in the agricultural and livestock sectors, with significant gaps in support for the fishing sector and pastoralists in the northern regions. Most adaptation projects are funded by international donors and focus on institutional capacity building and food security.

Senegal is highly vulnerable to climate change due to its dependence on rain-fed agriculture and fisheries, and a population concentrated along a coastline exposed to sea level rise. While the government has established coordinating bodies like the National Climate Change Committee and identified priority sectors in its NAPA and INDC, the report finds that climate adaptation is not yet effectively mainstreamed into most national sectoral policies or subnational planning. Current adaptation projects primarily target agriculture, water resources, and disaster risk management, often using ecosystem-based approaches, but gaps remain in the health and tourism sectors.

Burkina Faso is highly vulnerable to climate change due to its heavy reliance on rain-fed agriculture and livestock, which employ approximately 80-90% of its workforce. The country faces risks from rising temperatures, rainfall variability, and extreme events like floods and droughts. While the government has established a National Adaptation Plan (2015) and a coordinating body (CONEDD), adaptation efforts remain heavily concentrated in the agricultural sector, with limited integration into health or urban planning. Adaptation is largely driven by international funding and regional projects, with a significant gap in subnational guidance and local government capacity.

The document examines China's shift from extractive industries toward diversified economic co-operation in West Africa, specifically in agriculture. It contrasts Chinese assistance with Western aid, highlighting a 'win-win' South-South model based on China's own domestic agricultural success. While traditionally focused on technical assistance and food crops, recent trends show an increase in state-owned enterprise (SOE) involvement in cash crops and biofuels. The authors recommend that China focus on equitable investments and that West African governments encourage agro-industrial upgrading to add value to the regional agro-business chain.