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The handbook provides a comprehensive guide for African environmental and land rights defenders (ELRDs), detailing the threats they face—including SLAPP suits and gender-based violence—and the legal avenues available for redress. It outlines the roles of the African Commission and African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights, as well as sub-regional courts like the ECOWAS Community Court of Justice. The document emphasizes the vulnerability of women, youth, and Indigenous communities, and provides a directory of emergency funds and support organizations.

The research evaluates three dimensions of state capacity—coercion (revenue extraction), co-optation (government spending), and cooperation (trust in institutions)—to determine their impact on the onset of civil war. Using a global dataset, the authors find that high government spending and trustworthy institutions (proxied by contract-intensive money) are significant predictors of civil peace, whereas coercive capacity (relative political capacity) has little predictive power when controlling for other factors. The findings suggest that civil peace is co-produced through social cooperation and the provision of public goods rather than through state repression.

The research employs a lobby group model and cross-country data from 104 countries to analyze the drivers of environmental policy stringency. The authors find that a higher number of environmental lobby groups generally leads to stricter policies. Crucially, the study identifies an interaction effect where political competition increases policy stringency primarily in countries with high levels of democratic participation, whereas participation alone has no effect in pure dictatorships. The results suggest that supporting local environmental NGOs in developing countries may be an effective channel for international donors to improve global environmental quality.

The study argues that while rising food prices create economic grievances, these only translate into urban unrest if societal organizations—such as civil society organizations (CSOs) and political parties—are present to provide mobilization structures and frame grievances. Using data from 41 African countries, the author finds that state repression of these organizations generally decreases the probability of unrest. Interestingly, the highest risk of unrest occurs in moderately repressive regimes that still allow some organizational activity, rather than in completely open societies, where citizens may prefer voting over protesting or where organizations provide alternative coping mechanisms.

The authors contend that African urbanization is a demographic megatrend that reshapes politics in diverse, context-specific ways. They reject a uniform 'urban effect,' proposing instead that political changes—such as shifts in citizen preferences, elite incentives, and forms of mobilization—are the direct result of territorially-situated power struggles and the specific social relations produced within built environments. The paper examines six domains: citizen preferences, elite interests, political mobilization, gender roles, civil society, and contentious collective action, highlighting how these are mediated by the unique histories and physical characteristics of different urban places.

The report argues that decentralised renewable energy (DRE) is the most effective solution for electrifying rural health facilities, particularly during health crises like COVID-19. It proposes a delivery model combining 'smart grants' for upfront capital expenditures (CAPEX) with market-based compensation mechanisms, such as long-term Power Purchase Agreements (PPAs), to ensure both rapid deployment and long-term financial and technical sustainability. Through 16 case studies across Africa, Asia, and Latin America, the document demonstrates how DRE can improve maternal and child health outcomes, enable the storage of vaccines, and foster socio-economic development by integrating health facilities as central nodes for wider community electrification.

The document establishes a business case for gender equality in the decentralised renewable energy (DRE) sector, asserting that women-led businesses are often as profitable as or more profitable than those led by men. It provides a framework of recommendations for DRE companies, civil society organisations (CSOs), and investors to improve gender equality at the community, organisational, and investor levels. The report includes 17 case studies from various global regions demonstrating the impact of gender-sensitive interventions, such as solar kiosks in Togo, feminist microgrid development in Haiti, and technical training for women in Brazil.

The SADC region exhibits significant economic disparities, with South Africa dominating both regional GDP (55.5%) and intra-regional exports (68.1%). While the region saw an average annual GDP growth of 4.7% from 2003-2013, competitiveness is hindered by poor infrastructure, corruption, and limited access to finance. The services sector is the primary driver of regional growth, though reliance on agriculture remains high in countries like Mozambique, Madagascar, and Malawi. Intra-regional trade has stagnated relative to other African regional economic communities, further hampered by severe transport inefficiencies and customs delays.

The document argues that while SADC has significant potential for sugarcane-based ethanol production to reduce petroleum import dependency, regulatory uncertainty—specifically the lack of blending mandates and pricing formulas—is the primary barrier to investment. It suggests that a regional market could leverage South Africa's demand and the production capacity of other member states, potentially creating millions of jobs and providing significant electricity co-generation.

The document examines the lack of progress in implementing the SADC univisa, despite the 1998 Protocol on the Development of Tourism. It identifies a conflict between economic goals—where tourism contributes 5.8% to SADC's GDP—and security concerns held by home affairs and security agencies. While a pilot group of countries (including South Africa, Namibia, and Zimbabwe) has worked on harmonisation, political will remains low. The study suggests using the Kavango Zambezi (KAZA) TFCA pilot as a model to overcome bureaucratic resistance.

The Beit Bridge border post, a critical transit link for Southern and Eastern Africa, suffers from severe delays averaging three days, with some extending to two weeks. These delays are driven by inadequate physical infrastructure, such as a single commercial vehicle lane, frequent power outages in Zimbabwe, and non-harmonised IT systems between the South African Revenue Service (SARS) and the Zimbabwe Revenue Authority (ZIMRA). The document highlights a systemic culture of bribery and corruption among immigration and police officials, as well as high crime rates that effectively limit operations to daylight hours. Economic consequences include increased transport costs of approximately $400 per truck per day and higher consumer prices for goods like fuel and sugar.

The SADC Non-Tariff Barrier (NTB) Monitoring Mechanism allows private sector actors to report trade barriers via an online database, but the resolution of these barriers is often ineffective. NTBs affect products accounting for $3.3 billion, or 20%, of regional trade, with transport-related barriers being the most persistent. Resolution is hampered by inefficient National Monitoring Committees, a lack of technical expertise, and a political preference for cooperative rather than litigious dispute settlement. The document argues that resolution depends on political will, as some states maintain barriers to protect local industry or revenue. Proposed solutions include strengthening business membership organisations, capacitating national focal points, and creating forums for facilitated dialogue between the private sector and government.

The document examines Namibia's strategy to position the Port of Walvis Bay as a competitive alternative to other SADC ports. It details the role of the Namibian Ports Authority (Namport) and the Walvis Bay Corridor Group (WBCG) in expanding infrastructure and improving trade facilitation. Key developments include a new container terminal funded largely by the African Development Bank and the conceptual SADC Gateway Port. While the port benefits from strategic location and political stability, it faces challenges in human capital and administrative bureaucracy.

This 2012 case study examines the operational challenges faced by Aluminium Africa Limited (ALAF), a Tanzania-based aluminium and steel manufacturer. ALAF reports significant barriers to regional trade within the SADC area, including inadequate energy infrastructure (marked by power rationing and cost increases), inefficient border controls and port services in Tanzania, and regulatory uncertainty. The company also highlights difficulties in accessing skilled labour and foreign currency in markets like Malawi. While ALAF has invested in backup power and lobbied via the Confederation of Tanzania Industries, it notes a lack of tangible government action to resolve these systemic constraints.

The report analyzes South African foreign direct investment (FDI) in Mozambique, noting that while South Africa was the primary investor (49% of FDI from 1997-2002), businesses face significant hurdles. Key obstacles include systemic corruption, inefficient bureaucracy, a weak judiciary, and high import taxes. While large-scale projects like Mozal and Sasol succeeded through high-level government support, smaller firms are more exposed to 'small corruption' and bureaucratic delays. The document highlights a stark geographic imbalance in investment, with the majority concentrated in Maputo, and calls for structural reforms in land rights, infrastructure, and the financial sector to foster sustainable growth.

The document examines the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), a voluntary governance assessment tool launched by the African Union in 2002 under the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD). It details the five-stage review process—ranging from national self-assessment to peer pressure from heads of state—and analyzes the varying degrees of civil society involvement in early adopters like Ghana, Rwanda, Mauritius, and Kenya. The authors argue that the efficacy of the APRM depends on the transparency of final reports and the willingness of African leadership to implement national action plans.

This case study, produced by the SADC Secretariat and GIZ, examines the business constraints faced by Rice Milling Company (Pvt.) Limited (RMC), a Malawi-based firm that processes rice, milk powder, and salt for local and regional markets. The document details how government regulations, infrastructure deficiencies, and skill shortages hinder RMC's export capabilities and operational efficiency within the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region.

The document identifies high interest rates, information asymmetry, and legislative contradictions as primary obstacles to agricultural finance in Malawi. It argues that risk perceptions among commercial banks and a lack of formal identification for rural farmers create a 'market for lemons' failure. Proposed solutions include the adoption of mobile money, the creation of a national ID system, and the use of the Personal Property Security Act to allow movable assets as collateral.

The report examines the barriers to regional economic integration within SADC, highlighting that despite political commitments and tariff reductions, non-tariff barriers, high transport costs, and regulatory uncertainty persist. It argues that a thriving private sector is essential for economic growth and that overcoming these constraints requires political capital to implement reforms against vested interests. Through various case studies, the document details specific issues such as border delays at Beit Bridge, restrictive visa policies affecting tourism, and the inefficiency of the NTB Monitoring Mechanism. It suggests that public-private dialogues and targeted infrastructure improvements, such as those seen in Namibia, are key to unlocking the region's economic potential.

The study identifies Zimbabwe's foreign exchange controls as the most costly non-tariff barrier (NTB) affecting bilateral trade between South Africa and Zimbabwe across multiple sectors. Other significant costs include administrative delays at the Beit Bridge border crossing and high freight costs resulting from a dysfunctional regional rail network. The paper also highlights congestion at Durban Port and specific sectoral barriers, such as South Africa's ban on second-hand vehicles traveling on its roads and two-stage conversion requirements for Zimbabwean textiles.