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The document argues that EU efforts to secure peace in Libya have been undermined by competing national interests, particularly between France and Italy, and a tendency to prioritize short-term goals like migration externalization and energy resource access. While the EU has successfully used Libya to limit migrant crossings through disputed agreements like the Valletta Memorandum, these same mechanisms have not translated into political stability. The author suggests that the EU should employ multi-track diplomacy and a concerted, unified approach that incorporates Libyan interests to achieve a sustainable peace.

The document analyzes Russia's use of 'soft power' in Africa, highlighting the role of state-owned outlets like RT and Sputnik in promoting anti-Western narratives. It details the transition from traditional media to digital influence campaigns, including the use of 'troll farms' and local proxies to sow division and build pro-Russian sentiment. The report specifically examines the Central African Republic as a case study of 'hybrid warfare,' where digital campaigns are combined with on-the-ground activities such as film production and the financing of local radio. While these efforts aim to project an image of Russia as a major power, the document notes they are conducted on a limited budget and face increasing detection by tech companies.

This fact sheet, published by the Climate and Development Knowledge Network in 2022, summarizes findings from the IPCC Sixth Assessment Report specifically for North Africa. It details observed climate changes, such as rising temperatures and shifting precipitation patterns, and projects future risks including increased heat-related mortality, biodiversity loss, and threats to food and water security. The document also outlines adaptation strategies, the necessity of increased climate finance, and the specific vulnerabilities of coastal cities and cultural heritage sites in the region.

North Africa is experiencing warming at twice the global rate, leading to increased heat waves, marine heat waves, and widespread losses in agriculture and health. Future projections indicate severe risks to food security, biodiversity, and coastal infrastructure, particularly in Egypt. Adaptation requires transformative, ecosystem-based approaches and a significant increase in disbursed climate finance.

The brief examines gender representation among individuals invited to brief the UN Security Council between 2015 and 2021. While the period remained male-dominated overall, the proportion of male briefers fell from 77% in 2015 to 52% in 2021. Women are more frequently represented when briefing as members of civil society organizations (CSOs) or government institutions, whereas men dominate the UN system and other multilateral organizations. The authors note a positive trend in the consultation of women's CSOs, which have moved from being primarily invited to thematic Women, Peace and Security (WPS) debates to briefing on a wider array of country-specific issues, including Afghanistan, Colombia, the DRC, Libya, and Mali.

The document analyzes the resurgent roles of China and Russia in Africa since 2000. China's influence is primarily economic, driven by the Belt and Road Initiative and long-term infrastructure investments, while Russia's approach is more opportunistic, focusing on mining, arms exports, and the deployment of private military contractors in fragile states. While the two powers coordinate on challenging Western norms and supporting non-interference in the UN Security Council, they maintain a 'competitive partnership' characterized by limited strategic coordination in security and economics, and occasional competition for commercial contracts in countries like Zimbabwe.

The report examines the challenges in operationalizing the AU Peace Fund, specifically disagreements over contribution scales among member states. It warns against the increasing use of private military and security companies (PMSCs) like the Wagner Group in Africa, citing human rights risks. Additionally, it advocates for a revamp of the AU's PCRD approach to better address post-authoritarian transitions and the role of women in peacebuilding, using The Gambia as a model for small, expert-led deployments.

The document investigates whether Russia exerts significant influence over African states in the UN Security Council (UNSC) by analyzing voting patterns between 2014 and 2020. It argues that Russia's influence over the A3 is often exaggerated, as statistical evidence shows that African member states remain more aligned with the P3 (US, UK, and France) and are largely independent of Russian vetoes and abstentions. While the A3 have increasingly sought to present unified positions on African peace and security issues, their voting behavior on non-African files shows a declining coincidence with Russian positions over time.

The document investigates whether Russia exerts significant influence over African states in the UN Security Council (UNSC) by analyzing voting patterns between 2014 and 2020. It argues that Russia's influence over the A3 is often exaggerated, as statistical evidence shows little coordination and a trend of increasing divergence. While the A3 are increasingly presenting unified positions on African issues, their voting behavior remains more aligned with the P3 (US, UK, and France) than with Russia. The brief concludes that Russia's role as a 'loud dissenter' has not translated into a strategic alliance with the African grouping.

The document examines the role of nuclear science and technology in Africa, highlighting the use of 10 research reactors for education and medical/environmental research. It emphasizes the critical need for radiotherapy machines to combat rising cancer rates and the use of nuclear techniques in agriculture to ensure food security and manage zoonotic diseases. The brief outlines the legal framework for peaceful use, including the Pelindaba Treaty and the NPT, and identifies challenges such as public skepticism, financial instability, and safety risks. It recommends expanded continental training and continued cooperation with the IAEA and AFCONE.

The document examines how the global shift toward low-carbon energy, driven by the Paris Agreement, creates a risk of stranded assets for fossil fuel-dependent African nations. While this transition threatens export revenues and economic stability, it offers opportunities through increased demand for critical minerals like cobalt and copper. The author argues for a 'just transition' that avoids premature deindustrialisation and leverages fossil fuel revenues for economic diversification and green industrialisation.

The document examines nuclear developments in Algeria, Egypt, and Libya, noting that while all three operate research reactors for medical and industrial use, their ambitions for nuclear power plants vary. Egypt is the most advanced, currently constructing four reactors at Al Dabaa with Russian support. Algeria and Libya have expressed long-term interests in nuclear energy, though these remain largely discursive or stalled by political instability and cost. The author argues that these pursuits are often driven by 'techno-nationalist' prestige rather than purely economic or environmental needs, especially given the viability of solar energy and the region's water scarcity.

The report examines the crisis of missing persons in Africa, documenting nearly 44,000 cases through the ICRC as of 2020. It identifies armed conflict, other situations of violence, and migration as primary drivers, noting that men and children are disproportionately affected. Families face severe psychosocial trauma, economic hardship, and legal hurdles due to a lack of domestic frameworks for declaring absence. The document advocates for the establishment of national information bureaus, improved medico-legal capacity for body identification, and the integration of missing persons into transitional justice processes.

The document argues that while Africa views migration as a demographic and development issue, the European Union has increasingly adopted a securitised approach. It identifies four key entry points for strengthening the Africa-EU partnership: remittances, legal labour migration pathways, international protection, and voluntary returns and readmissions.

China's engagement in Iraq and Syria is primarily driven by economic logic and the Belt and Road Initiative, though it increasingly faces security risks from terrorism and political instability. In Iraq, China has become a top trading partner with a heavy focus on oil, while in Syria, it provides political cover for the Assad regime and explores limited reconstruction opportunities. The document argues that China lacks a unified regional strategy, instead employing a cautious, pragmatic, and piecemeal approach that balances economic opportunism with a traditional policy of non-interference, though the need to protect assets may eventually push Beijing toward more active counter-terrorism efforts.

The report analyzes Sweden's 2017–2018 term on the UN Security Council, examining how a small state can influence the body's outcomes regarding Women, Peace and Security (WPS). It details Sweden's strategic approach—rooted in its feminist foreign policy—to move WPS from a thematic 'add-on' to 'core Council business' by integrating actionable language into regular resolutions, particularly those concerning peacekeeping and political mission mandates. The authors provide a framework for assessing the impact of elected members (E10) through criteria of frequency, clarity, and priority of resolution language, while outlining the tactical maneuvering required to navigate P5 power dynamics and UNSC working methods.

The report evaluates the African Union's (AU) limited capacity to intervene in crises due to principles of national sovereignty and subsidiarity. It details the unraveling political alliance in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the conceptual and operational failures of the 'Silencing the Guns in Africa 2020' initiative, and identifies high-risk elections and conflicts in countries such as South Sudan, Uganda, and Ethiopia for 2021. Additionally, it features an interview on the necessity of a culturally contextualized African mediation doctrine based on the AU's experience in Sudan.

The report analyzes Russia's strategic return to Africa, driven by Western sanctions and falling oil prices. It focuses on Zimbabwe and Mozambique, highlighting a pattern of elite-directed cooperation centered on extractive industries, arms trade, and political support. While Russia's economic footprint is significantly smaller than China's, it leverages an 'anti-West narrative' and a high tolerance for corruption to secure access to natural resources and political loyalty, often utilizing proxy organizations for election monitoring and paramilitary groups for security.

The document analyzes the energy deficit in Africa, noting that over 600 million people lack electricity. It identifies key barriers to green energy adoption, including a need for $70 billion in annual investment, technical capacity gaps, and fossil fuel subsidies. The author argues that the AfCFTA can fast-track the transition by creating a unified market, reducing investment risks through dispute resolution mechanisms, and facilitating the free movement of skilled labor. Additionally, the briefing suggests that the EU-Africa partnership should shift from bilateral aid to regional support, prioritize institutional knowledge sharing on fossil fuel transitions, and focus on local adaptation of green technologies rather than mere imports.

The document argues that individual African countries often lack the resources to transition to green energy, but regional integration via the AfCFTA can create a larger market to attract investment and skilled labor. It highlights the role of regional power pools and suggests that a strategic shift in EU development assistance toward regional rather than bilateral support, combined with knowledge and technology sharing, could further fast-track the transition.