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The author argues that despite the absence of a functioning Appellate Body, the WTO dispute settlement system remains resilient because panels continue to follow established jurisprudence, which has become an 'informal constitution' for the organization. While the US continues to challenge the system's authority, particularly regarding national security exceptions, other members are experimenting with ad hoc arbitration like the MPIA. The author suggests that a new appellate court could function even without mandatory US jurisdiction and argues that restoring the original system should not be the sole priority given other urgent global trade challenges.

This report by the Global Subsidies Initiative (GSI) provides preliminary estimates of global energy subsidies by source for 2007, detailing the assumptions and calculations used for nuclear energy, renewable energy, biofuels, fossil fuels, and Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS).

The document examines the tension between the precautionary principle—which advocates for protective action despite scientific uncertainty—and WTO rules that often require risk assessments and the least trade-restrictive measures. It highlights divergent North American and European approaches to risk assessment and discusses how the principle interacts with GATT, the TBT Agreement, and the SPS Agreement. The text argues that the WTO's current framework is ill-equipped for scientific uncertainty and suggests potential guidelines for applying precaution, including proportionality, transparency, and regular review.

The document provides a data-driven overview of the top 15 tea-producing countries as of 2016, categorizing them by production levels, Human Development Index (HDI), and their status regarding Voluntary Sustainability Standards (VSS) compliance.

The document analyzes the responses of ASEAN nations to US tariffs imposed in April 2025. Most members, including Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, and Vietnam, have prioritized negotiation over retaliation due to high export dependence on the US market. Strategies include individual bilateral discussions, a coordinated regional response led by Malaysia (the 2025 ASEAN chair), diversification via the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and BRICS, and internal economic support packages, such as Thailand's 15 billion USD stimulus.

The authors call on WTO members to finalize the 'Fish 2' negotiations and ratify 'Fish 1' to combat overfishing. They highlight that current subsidies of USD 22 billion annually drive unsustainable fishing, primarily benefiting industrial fleets, and argue that the upcoming UN Ocean Conference (UNOC3) provides a critical opportunity to accelerate these multilateral efforts.

The Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF) is a flexible economic initiative involving the United States and 13 other nations, organized around four pillars: connected, resilient, clean, and fair economies. Unlike traditional free trade agreements, IPEF avoids tariff liberalization, which has led to criticisms regarding the lack of U.S. concessions and concerns over the long-term commitment of partners like India. Early ministerial meetings have highlighted tensions over the adoption of high standards, with countries such as Malaysia and Japan requesting transition periods, while the U.S. focuses on digital standards and industrial decarbonization as key areas of influence.

The briefing outlines key environmental priorities for the WTO's MC12, focusing on fisheries subsidies, climate policy alignment with the Paris Agreement, and several member-led initiatives. It highlights the 'Structured Discussions on Trade and Environmental Sustainability' (TESSD), a ministerial declaration on plastic pollution, and a proposal for fossil fuel subsidy reform. The author emphasizes that success depends on integrating the needs of developing countries through enhanced 'Aid for Trade' and inclusive dialogue to avoid a two-speed global green economy.

The document analyzes the tension between the WTO's multilateral and plurilateral paths for regulating digital trade. It focuses on the Work Programme on Electronic Commerce (WPEC), the ongoing moratorium on customs duties for electronic transmissions, and the Joint Statement Initiative (JSI) on E-commerce. The author highlights the divide between developed nations seeking permanent rules and developing nations concerned about the digital divide and loss of tariff revenue, noting that decisions at MC14 in March 2026 will shape global digital governance.

The International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD) argues that the Internet Governance Forum (IGF) should integrate sustainable development into its New Delhi agenda. The proposal highlights the ICT industry's carbon footprint, the need for inclusive participation of the world's poor, and the potential for multi-stakeholder governance models to improve global environmental governance. It cites increasing global attention to climate change and the role of ICTs in both contributing to and mitigating environmental degradation as key drivers for this thematic shift.

The author argues that the collapse of the Seattle WTO Ministerial Meeting was the result of long-standing frustrations among developing countries, environmental NGOs, and labour movements, compounded by a rift between North America and Europe over agricultural liberalization. The document asserts that the WTO has lost legitimacy by prioritizing trade liberalization over social and environmental goals. To recover, the author proposes three reform pillars: increasing transparency and civil society participation, formally adopting sustainable development as the WTO's end-purpose to guide the evaluation of agreements like TRIPS, and establishing a more equitable system for adjudicating conflicts between trade policy and environmental or development objectives.

The document details the transition of public finance institutions away from fossil fuel investments, highlighting the role of G20 governments and multilateral development banks in implementing restrictions on coal, oil, and gas financing to align with the Paris Agreement.

The Strong Cities Network (SCN) toolkit, developed by the Institute for Strategic Dialogue, guides local authorities in managing the social consequences of terror attacks. It emphasizes the shift toward 'soft targets' in urban centers and the critical role of municipal leadership in preventing social division. The guide details strategies for community engagement, including mapping vulnerable groups and using both direct and indirect outreach. It provides a comprehensive communications framework to de-escalate tensions, combat misinformation, and avoid the glorification of perpetrators. Additionally, it outlines the establishment of psychosocial support working groups to address collective and individual trauma. The document includes leadership checklists and worksheets to help city officials coordinate with national authorities and local stakeholders to build long-term urban resilience.

The text advocates for demilitarisation based on the premise that traditional military deterrence is often outdated and that security can be more cost-effectively achieved through non-violent means and human security frameworks. It proposes replacing 'rules of thumb' for military spending with rational cost-effectiveness analysis and objective security assessments. The author suggests that transparency in military budgeting is necessary for parliamentary oversight and that a 'National Ministry of Peacebuilding' should be established to manage the transition. While acknowledging the difficulty of generating a domestic 'peace dividend' in developing nations, the document highlights the potential for long-term economic and social gains through the reallocation of resources from military to civilian sectors.

The text examines the role of peace education in transforming societies from a reliance on military solutions to a culture of peace. It discusses various typologies of peace education, its implementation in formal and informal settings, and specifically evaluates its application and potential in South Africa and the wider sub-Saharan African region. The author contends that investing in peace educators is significantly more cost-effective than maintaining military budgets and is a necessary component of sustainable regional security.

The Access and Benefit-sharing (ABS) Toolkit is a resource for community members and traditional leaders in Southern Africa to manage the use of their biological resources and Traditional Knowledge by external users. It explains the ABS process, where providers (communities) and users (industry or researchers) negotiate terms for access and the sharing of monetary or non-monetary benefits. The document emphasizes the use of Biocultural Community Protocols (BCPs) to establish community rules and identity, and details the requirement for Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC). It outlines the legal frameworks governing these processes, including the international Nagoya Protocol and South Africa's National Environmental Management: Biodiversity Act of 2004 (NEMBA). The toolkit also addresses intellectual property rights, conservation strategies, and the specific case of the Buchu plant in South Africa.

The document establishes the San and Khoi people as the original knowledge holders of rooibos (Aspalathus linearis), citing a 2014 South African government study. It outlines the legal framework for Access and Benefit Sharing (ABS) under the Convention on Biological Diversity and South African law, and notes ongoing negotiations between the rooibos industry and the National Khoi & San Council and South African San Council to ensure compliance with bioprospecting regulations.

The submission argues that indigenous peoples and local communities (IPLCs) are the most effective guardians of biodiversity, yet they face systemic threats including non-recognition of land rights, 'fortress conservation' models, and violence against land defenders. It provides global case studies of successful community-led conservation and calls for a shift toward rights-based conservation, secure tenure, and the protection of environmental defenders.

The document critiques the proposed nuclear power plant in Uyombo, Kilifi, Kenya, highlighting a lack of transparency in the Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA) and a failure to follow legal requirements for public participation. It warns of severe health and environmental risks, including radioactive waste management failures and marine ecosystem disruption. The text further notes that Kenya lacks membership in key international nuclear safety agreements and that the estimated USD 5 billion cost per plant could increase electricity tariffs for consumers. The author calls for the Parliamentary Committee on Environment and Natural Resources to halt the process and prioritise renewable energy alternatives like solar, wind, and geothermal.

The fourth edition of the ATT Monitor evaluates the state of the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) through three primary lenses: regional analysis of Asia and Latin America/Caribbean, an assessment of annual and initial reporting practices by State Parties, and an investigation into arms diversion. It identifies significant gaps in reporting compliance, specifically regarding the failure of State Parties to update initial reports on national control systems.