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This research paper reviews a 'final draft' White Paper dated 13 May 2011 titled 'Building a Better World: The Diplomacy of Ubuntu', which outlines South Africa's foreign policy objectives. The author characterizes the document as a 'mechanical rehash' of existing policy that relies on clichés and platitudes without specifying how its objectives will be achieved.

One year after hosting the 2010 FIFA World Cup, South Africa is urged to leverage the 'soft power' and international prestige gained from the event to address 'hard' geopolitical issues in Africa. The author suggests utilizing South Africa's roles in SADC, the AU, and the UNSC to resolve stalemates in Zimbabwe and Madagascar, and to address conflicts in Somalia, Darfur, and Abyei, while pushing for more decisive African-led solutions to avoid Western intervention as seen in Libya and Cote d’Ivoire.

This statement by the Institute for Security Studies argues that African Union (AU) member states should adopt a positive approach toward the International Criminal Court (ICC) during the 17th Ordinary Session of Heads of State. The author contends that while some states express misgivings about the court's focus on Africa, the ICC remains a vital tool for ending impunity where national systems fail, and that AU decisions shielding leaders from arrest undermine the international rule of law.

In a statement delivered on 20 June 2011, Dame Nicola Brewer, the British High Commissioner to South Africa, outlines the evolving relationship between the United Kingdom and South Africa. She emphasizes a shift in the UK's perception of Africa from a 'problem' to a 'partner,' highlighting shared democratic values, economic opportunities, and a commitment to mutual growth and regional integration.

This briefing analyzes the political structure of Angola between 2008 and 2010, arguing that the state operates through two parallel ruling structures: a formal government led by the MPLA and a more resilient 'shadow' government controlled by the presidency. The author examines how President José Eduardo Dos Santos uses this dual system, supported by the national oil company Sonangol, to maintain power, manage patronage, and marginalize potential rivals within the party and the state.

The 'Guía Práctica de Uso de la Orina en la Producción Agrícola' is a comprehensive guide published by the Stockholm Environment Institute that provides technical, economic, and institutional frameworks for using human urine as a sustainable agricultural fertilizer. It details the nutrient composition of urine, application strategies, risk management based on WHO guidelines, and case studies from various global regions to support the transition toward productive sanitation systems.

This briefing paper examines the role of the International Criminal Court (ICC) in Libya following UN Security Council Resolution 1970, analyzing the legal implications of the referral, the challenges of enforcement within the African context, and the tension between international justice and military intervention under Resolution 1973.

This May 2011 report by the Institute for Security Studies provides early warning analysis and country updates for the African Union Peace and Security Council (PSC). It focuses on political transitions and instability in Djibouti, Egypt, Tunisia, and Libya, while also reviewing the PSC's efforts to protect women and children in armed conflicts.

This research paper argues that former President Laurent Gbagbo's portrayal of himself as an anti-imperialist victim of 'Françafrique' is inaccurate, asserting instead that he was a participant in these networks and benefited from French diplomatic support to secure power.

This research paper analyzes the precarious nature of President Ouattara's control over Cote d'Ivoire following the ousting of Gbagbo, arguing that the forces that secured his victory are not loyal to him but are fragmented rebel groups with their own agendas.

This research paper examines the political crisis in Côte d’Ivoire through the lens of 'warlordism,' a phenomenon previously seen in Liberia and Sierra Leone. The author argues that the characteristics of violent political entrepreneurs—including the use of mystical discourse, the exploitation of communal grievances, and the use of illicit international networks—are emerging within Côte d’Ivoire, specifically noting the behavior of militia leaders and President Laurent Gbagbo.

This policy briefing by the South African Institute of International Affairs examines the African Union's (AU) principle of rejecting unconstitutional changes of government. It analyzes the 'democrat's dilemma'—the tension between maintaining constitutional order and supporting popular uprisings against authoritarian regimes—specifically in the context of the 2011 Maghreb revolutions.

A statement by Fred Phaswana, Chairperson of the SAIIA National Council, discussing the role of think tanks in analyzing North African uprisings, the importance of democratic electoral processes in Africa, and South Africa's strategic international engagements in 2011, including its role in the UN Security Council, BRICS, and hosting the 17th UN Conference of the Parties on Climate Change.

This March 2011 report by the Institute for Security Studies provides early warning analysis and country-specific assessments for the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC). It focuses on the democratic transitions in Egypt and Niger, the persistent insecurity in the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and an analysis of the 16th AU Assembly summit.

This briefing analyzes the context of President Zuma's visit to Paris, focusing on the instability of French foreign policy toward Africa and the diplomatic tensions between France and South Africa regarding the political crisis in Côte d’Ivoire.

This February 2011 report by the Institute for Security Studies provides early warning analysis and country updates for the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC). It focuses on the political instability in Tunisia following the ousting of President Ben Ali, the security and minority rights challenges surrounding the South Sudan referendum, the electoral stalemate and potential for civil war in Côte d’Ivoire, and the long-standing territorial dispute over Western Sahara. Additionally, it discusses the AU's focus on 'shared values' as a foundation for continental integration.

This research paper by the South African Institute of International Affairs examines the energy-based relationship between India and Africa. It analyzes India's strategic need to diversify its energy imports away from the Middle East and its efforts to build a sustainable, development-oriented partnership with African nations that moves beyond simple resource extraction to include capacity building and renewable energy cooperation.

This research paper by Ruchita Beri for the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) examines the evolution of India's relations with African nations. It analyzes the transition from an early policy based on ideological support for decolonization and non-alignment to a more pragmatic approach centered on economic diplomacy, energy security, and capacity building. The document details trade growth, diverse investment patterns across various sectors, and technical cooperation initiatives, while discussing the geopolitical drivers and challenges India faces in its engagement with the continent.

This briefing by the Institute for Security Studies discusses the status of the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on their Destruction (BTWC) in Africa during the Seventh Review Conference in December 2011. It advocates for the universalisation of the treaty across the continent, the strengthening of the BTWC's Implementation Support Unit (ISU), and the alignment of the convention with Africa's specific developmental and public health needs.

This policy briefing argues that Africa should establish an informal 'club of states'—similar to the G8 or G20—composed of its most capable powers to overcome the ineffectiveness of formal multilateral institutions like the African Union. The author proposes an 'A5 Club' consisting of South Africa, Nigeria, Angola, Ethiopia, and Kenya to coordinate continental initiatives and provide a unified voice in global affairs.