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The report examines the relationship between the global al-Qaida network and the Palestinian polity, focusing on the Gaza Strip. It argues that al-Qaida has used an offensive propaganda campaign to criticize Hamas for political moderation and has attempted to establish an operational foothold in the region. While the report finds no hard evidence of a formal al-Qaida organization in the Palestinian territories, it notes the emergence of various salafi-jihadi groups that have engaged in violence against 'non-Islamic' targets, Christians, and foreigners. Hamas has generally responded defensively to these challenges, fearing that radical elements within its own movement may be receptive to al-Qaida's message, especially under the pressure of international isolation.

The report argues that while climate change is not the sole cause of conflict, it acts as a 'threat multiplier' in the Levant. It identifies six primary security threats, including increased competition for water, intensified food insecurity, and destabilizing forced migration. The authors emphasize that the region's history of conflict and deep distrust undermine its adaptive capacity, making it more vulnerable to environmental shocks. To mitigate these risks, the report proposes four strategies: fostering a culture of conservation, implementing community-level adaptation, reducing greenhouse gas emissions, and enabling regional cooperation through shared resource management.

The document argues that the United States uses private military contractors (PMCs) to bridge the gap between its geopolitical ambitions as a 'global policeman' and the limited resources provided by a skeptical public. It contends that this reliance enables unilateralism, evades public and congressional oversight, and often results in inefficiency and fraud due to poor government management. The author suggests that while the Obama administration began some reforms, systemic improvements in contracting officer training, transparency, and international legal accountability are necessary to manage the inevitable role of PMCs in modern warfare.

The report provides a comprehensive health risk assessment of sanitation technologies, categorizing them into functional groups: user interface, collection and storage/treatment, conveyance, semi-centralized treatment, and reuse/disposal. It identifies critical exposure points for users, workers, farmers, and the community, emphasizing that technical barriers (like storage time and pH elevation) must be combined with socio-cultural behavioral changes (such as hand-washing) to effectively break the cycle of disease transmission. The document analyzes specific technologies—ranging from open defecation and pit latrines to advanced wastewater treatment plants—and provides epidemiological evidence on their impact on diarrhoeal diseases and helminth infections.

The document is an open letter from a coalition of environmental groups urging President Bush and Congress to redirect resources from the Iraq War toward addressing global warming. The authors argue that the U.S., as the world's largest greenhouse gas emitter, must lead a shift toward renewable energy and energy efficiency. They highlight the urgent threats of melting ice sheets in Greenland and methane release from the Siberian tundra, noting that the war in Iraq has already cost at least $400 billion.

The document analyzes the foreign policy platforms of candidates John McCain and Barack Obama ahead of the 2008 US election, arguing that while Africa will likely remain a low priority for any new administration, South Africa can leverage its role as a 'pivotal state' to secure military resources, trade benefits, and health funding. It highlights diverging candidate views on energy—with Obama favoring a 'cap-and-trade' system and McCain supporting increased nuclear power and Alaskan drilling—and suggests South Africa could engage the US on carbon-trading opportunities.

A collective statement signed by over 62 prominent scientists (and later 15,000 others) alleging that the George W. Bush administration systematically disregarded scientific objectivity. The authors cite specific instances of censorship at the EPA and other agencies, the appointment of unqualified individuals to advisory boards, and the misrepresentation of climate change data. They propose legislative reforms to forbid censorship of scientific studies and ensure public access to government research.

The briefing argues that Zimbabwe's political crisis, characterized by contested elections and state power abuse, necessitates a transitional government. Unlike a government of national unity, a transitional government acts as a short-term caretaker to draft a new constitution and create an environment for free and fair elections. The author proposes an inclusive body comprising more than just the MDC and Zanu-PF, potentially with Robert Mugabe remaining as president under strict checks and balances, supported by expanded mediation from SADC, the AU, and the UN, as well as international civilian peacekeepers.

The briefing argues that Zimbabwe's political crisis and the contested re-election of Robert Mugabe in June 2008 necessitate a transitional government rather than a government of national unity. It defines a transitional government as a short-term caretaker authority tasked with drafting a new constitution and preparing for legitimate elections. The author proposes a one-year mandate for an inclusive body comprising more than just the MDC and Zanu-PF, supported by expanded mediation from SADC, the AU, and the UN, as well as international civilian peacekeepers.

The report examines the historical and socio-economic drivers of terrorism in the Maghreb, focusing on the transition of domestic groups into transnational networks. It details the activities of the GSPC/AQLIM in Algeria, the role of small cell structures in Morocco, and the state-led containment strategies in Tunisia. The document also analyzes the influence of European support networks, the recruitment of North Africans for the insurgency in Iraq, and the effectiveness of various counter-terrorism strategies, including amnesty programs and socio-economic development.

The report details a seminar hosted by the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) to evaluate the Prohibition of Mercenary Activities and Regulation of Certain Activities in Areas of Armed Conflict Act 27 of 2006. Experts argued that while the Act aims to curb mercenary activity and align with the South African Constitution, it is overly restrictive, lacks clear definitions for 'humanitarian assistance', and may push the private military and security company (PMSC) industry underground. Discussions highlighted the tension between the Act's punitive approach and the potential utility of PMSCs in peacekeeping and stability operations, as well as the Act's impact on the military profession and its relationship with International Humanitarian Law.

The document discusses how the 2004 foiled coup attempt in Equatorial Guinea illustrates the danger of unemployed former soldiers and guerrilla fighters in Africa. It highlights the failure of disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration programmes to provide viable livelihoods for ex-combatants, specifically noting high unemployment among former South African Defense Force members. The text further argues that existing legal frameworks, such as the African Union's 1977 Convention and South Africa's 1998 Regulation of Foreign Military Assistance Act, are insufficient to curb mercenary activity amidst a global rise in private military services.

The research tests Samuel Huntington's 'clash of civilizations' hypothesis against a strategic theory of international terrorism using a directed country dyad sample from 1969 to 2005. The authors find that international terrorism is primarily driven by strategic logic—specifically, terror groups target foreign nationals from countries that provide economic aid, arms, or military support to the terrorists' home government. While the data shows excessive terrorism against Western targets, the authors argue this is due to the high strategic value of Western targets and Western interference in other regions, rather than an inherent civilizational clash. The study finds no evidence for a general structural break in terrorism patterns following the end of the Cold War, contradicting Huntington's predictions, although it notes an increase in lethal Islamic terrorism against the West coinciding with the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq.

The document provides a comprehensive dataset of country profiles detailing the history of petroleum exploration, first discovery dates, first production years, and the geographic distribution of oil and gas reserves across numerous nations globally, with data current up to 2004.

The document examines the growth of military research and development (R&D) spending and the increasing integration of military objectives into academic and educational institutions in the UK and USA. It critiques the 'Revolution in Military Affairs' (RMA) as a failing high-technology approach to security and highlights a significant funding imbalance where military R&D far outweighs spending on climate change, health, and poverty reduction. The authors argue that this militarisation marginalises non-offensive security strategies and threatens academic freedom and the civilian skills base.

The National Chairman of the South African Institute of International Affairs assesses South Africa's role as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council in 2007. The statement critiques the tension between South Africa's aspirational moral authority and the 'realpolitik' of global diplomacy, specifically citing failures to address human rights violations in Zimbabwe. It advocates for a shift from state security to human security and calls for the development of indigenous African research capacity to shape the continent's policy agendas.

The briefing examines the risks associated with Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak's development of counterterrorism legislation, warning that such laws may serve as a replacement for the state of emergency in place since 1981 to suppress political opposition, specifically the Muslim Brotherhood. It argues that legislation alone is not an effective shield against terrorism and advocates for a holistic approach that includes accountability, adherence to the constitution, and the mitigation of political marginalization to avoid providing legitimacy to terrorists.

Scientists for Global Responsibility (SGR) submits that the UK faces no current military threats justifying the replacement of the Trident nuclear weapons system. The organization argues that maintaining nuclear weapons contradicts the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and that the financial and technical resources required for a successor should instead be redirected toward mitigating climate change and developing a low-carbon economy. SGR further contends that the science and engineering skills needed for Trident replacement are in short supply and would be more beneficially deployed in sectors such as renewable energy, specifically offshore wind, wave, and tidal projects.

The report examines the shift from traditional state-centric security to 'human security,' noting that modern conflicts are increasingly linked to poverty and occur within poor states. It argues that while trade and aid can theoretically promote stability, in practice, unfair trade rules and misused aid often exacerbate instability. The author proposes six objectives for the international community and the Commonwealth to ensure these policies 'do no harm' and support enduring peace.

The report examines the remittance landscape for immigrants in Norway, comparing 42 services across 21 mechanisms, including banks, money transfer operators (MTOs), and informal hawala systems. It highlights a restrictive regulatory environment that often drives users toward illegal services, particularly for transfers to Somalia and Iraq. The analysis reveals that real costs are often hidden through exchange rate spreads, with typical costs for NOK 1,000 transfers ranging from 5% to 25%. While bank transfers can be cheaper for larger amounts, they are often slower and less predictable than MTOs. The report argues that improving financial literacy and regularizing informal services could enhance the development impact of remittances and improve immigrant integration.