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The report finds that while electric arc furnace (EAF) capacity is growing, the global steel industry is not on track for 2030 net-zero goals due to continued investment in coal-based blast furnaces, particularly in India and China. India has emerged as the largest developer of steel capacity, though most of its plans remain in the announcement stage and are heavily carbon-intensive. The report also highlights the strategic importance of iron ore producers like Australia and Brazil in enabling the transition to direct reduced iron (DRI) production.

The paper analyzes the civil war between the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), arguing that the conflict has become a proxy war for Middle Eastern powers. It details how external military support from countries like the UAE, Egypt, and Iran sustains the fighting and how a proliferation of uncoordinated, ad hoc mediation initiatives—often led by these same regional actors—has marginalized civilian political actors and hindered a comprehensive peace agreement.

The author contends that the U.S. administration's decision to exit the Paris Climate Agreement and end international climate finance creates significant risks for the United States. These include the loss of diplomatic soft power, the forfeiture of economic opportunities in a clean energy market projected to exceed $2 trillion by 2035, and the creation of a power vacuum likely to be filled by China or other actors like Saudi Arabia and the UAE. The text asserts that maintaining a leadership role is essential for U.S. companies to ensure market transparency and harmonization abroad, and warns that domestic policy rollbacks further undermine American innovation and long-term energy competitiveness.

In 2024, global electricity generation reached new record highs for solar, wind, hydro, gas, and coal. Solar was the fastest-growing source, increasing by 474 TWh to reach a 6.9% share of the global mix, with China contributing 53% of this growth. Wind generation also hit a record of 2,494 TWh, though growth slowed due to weather conditions. Hydro rebounded to an all-time high of 4,416 TWh following 2023 droughts, largely driven by China. Nuclear generation grew by 2.5% to 2,768 TWh, but its global market share fell to a 45-year low of 9%. Gas and coal both reached record generation levels in 2024, though their shares of the global electricity mix declined to 22% and 34% respectively, as electricity demand grew faster than their production.

In 2024, global electricity demand rose by 4% to 30,856 TWh, driven largely by China and extreme heatwaves. Low-carbon sources reached a historic high of 40.9% of global generation, with solar and wind combined surpassing hydropower. Despite this, global power sector emissions hit a record high, increasing by 1.6% due to a rise in fossil generation linked to cooling demand during heatwaves.

The document is a Readiness and Preparatory Support proposal for the Islamic Republic of Iran, requesting USD 3,000,000 over 36 months to establish a National Adaptation Plan (NAP) process. The project aims to address critical gaps in policy frameworks, inter-sectoral coordination, and technical capacity for vulnerability and risk assessments (VRA). It focuses on five priority sectors: water, agriculture, energy, health, and disaster risk management (DRM). The proposal outlines a theory of change involving the creation of sectoral plans, the development of a monitoring and evaluation (M&E) framework, and the formulation of two integrated concept notes for future GCF funding. Implementation will be led by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) as the Delivery Partner, with support from UNDP and WHO for specific sectors.

The report identifies that approximately 30% of global upstream coal and oil and gas infrastructure is located in regions where environmental conditions make satellite methane monitoring challenging. It details how factors such as persistent cloud cover in the tropics, low sun angles in high latitudes, and rugged terrain in mountainous regions limit data availability and accuracy. The authors argue for a multi-tiered observing system that combines satellite data with near-ground measurements to ensure comprehensive emissions monitoring across diverse geographies.

The report examines the 'geography factor' in satellite methane monitoring, identifying that approximately 30% of global coal, oil, and gas infrastructure is located in regions where environmental conditions hinder data collection. It details how factors like persistent tropical cloud cover, low winter sunlight in high latitudes, and mountainous terrain create 'difficult' observation zones. The authors argue for a multi-tiered observation system that integrates satellites with aircraft, drones, and ground-based sensors to overcome these geographic limitations and support the Global Methane Pledge's goal of reducing emissions by 30% by 2030.

The report analyzes the impact of environmental conditions on satellite methane detection, finding that approximately 30% of global upstream coal, oil, and gas infrastructure is located in regions where monitoring is difficult. It identifies key challenges such as persistent cloud cover in the tropics, low solar elevation in high latitudes, and rugged terrain in mountainous regions. The authors argue for a 'tiered observation system' that combines satellite data with local measurements (drones, aircraft, ground stations) to overcome these geographic limitations and support the Global Methane Pledge's goal of reducing emissions by 30% by 2030.

The report identifies environmental factors that hinder satellite methane detection, estimating that 30% of upstream coal and 29% of onshore oil and gas production occur in challenging-to-monitor regions. It highlights specific regional difficulties, such as persistent cloud cover in Indonesia and low winter sunlight in Russia and Canada, and advocates for a multi-tiered observing system combining satellites with near-ground measurements.

Civil society organisations are protesting the handover of McDonald’s-branded ‘Mi Desk’ desks to Cape Town schools, facilitated by the Minister of Basic Education. The groups argue that such donations are not charity but junk food marketing targeting vulnerable children amidst a crisis of malnutrition and obesity. They contend that corporate philanthropy fills gaps created by state austerity and disinvestment, particularly in rural and working-class communities. The statement calls for the immediate recall of branded desks, the finalisation of regulations to restrict the marketing of harmful foods to children, and proper funding of education by the National Treasury to remove the need for corporate partnerships.

The Council on Strategic Risks outlines a strategic roadmap for the US government to bolster biodefense, focusing on a 'deterrence by denial' framework. The recommendations are divided into immediate actions for the first month, the first 100 days, and the first year, emphasizing the need for expert leadership, increased budgetary investment, and the integration of AI safety. Key priorities include updating the National Biodefense Strategy, enhancing pathogen early warning systems, and strengthening international partnerships to counter biological weapons programs in countries such as North Korea and Russia.

The document examines the uncertainty surrounding the second Trump administration's approach to foreign aid and global security. It highlights a 90-day freeze on all U.S. foreign assistance and the withdrawal from the Paris Climate Agreement and the World Health Organization. The text notes a divide in perception, where populations in BRICS nations are more positive about Trump's presidency for global peace compared to those in the EU and UK, despite an overall increase in global conflicts and expansionist rhetoric regarding territories like Greenland and Panama.

The document analyzes the evolution of BRICS, specifically the 2023 addition of Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, and the UAE, and the 2024 introduction of a 'partner countries' category. Using Susan Strange's framework of structural power, it argues that BRICS is not seeking to create a rival system but to reshape global governance to be more representative of the global South. The analysis highlights the bloc's economic growth—surpassing the G7 in PPP terms around 2015—and its efforts to create alternative financial mechanisms like the New Development Bank (NDB) and local currency trade to reduce reliance on Western systems. It concludes that while internal diversity and regional rivalries challenge cohesion, the 'agree to disagree' principle allows BRICS to function as a catalyst for South-South cooperation.

The document analyzes the spillover of conflict-related online risks—such as disinformation, hate speech, and technology-facilitated gender-based violence—into domestic environments. It argues that while the EU's Digital Services Act (DSA) and UK's Online Safety Act (OSA) were not primarily designed for conflict settings, their systemic risk assessments and crisis protocols can be leveraged to hold platforms accountable. The brief highlights critical gaps, including the erasure of war crime evidence due to over-moderation and the role of engagement-driven algorithms in amplifying harmful content. It recommends structured cross-border cooperation, the development of evidence-preservation protocols, and a shift toward outcome-based metrics in platform risk reporting.

The document analyzes the centralized theocracy of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan under Emir Haibatullah, focusing on how Provincial Ulama Councils (PUCs) and Provincial Governors operate. It details the history of Afghan education and the current ban on girls' secondary and university education, concluding that while internal disagreements exist within the Taliban leadership, the Emir's centralized control limits the possibility of locally negotiated education opportunities.

The document examines China's role as the dominant economy in the expanded BRICS bloc, arguing that China views the group as a tool to counter Western hegemony and advance its own geopolitical goals, such as the Belt and Road Initiative. While the bloc has achieved significant milestones through the New Development Bank and advocacy for climate justice, the paper highlights severe internal tensions—particularly between China and India—and regional rivalries among new members like Iran and Saudi Arabia that may hinder the bloc's cohesion.

The document analyzes the factors driving the high demand for BRICS membership, introducing the concept of 'magnetic pull'—where ideas about development and systemic reform act as coalition magnets. It traces the group's expansion from South Africa's entry in 2010 to the 2023 enlargement (adding Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, and the UAE) and the 2024 introduction of a 'Partner Country' category. While the group's appeal is rooted in South-South cooperation and de-dollarization, the author notes challenges to internal cohesion and the limits of its attraction, as seen in Argentina's rejection of membership.

The research paper examines the gap between constitutional human rights declarations and actual implementation within BRICS nations. It argues that the organisation, now expanded to include several non-democratic states, may function as a shield for autocratic regimes to avoid Western-led human rights sanctions while pursuing economic and geopolitical influence. The author highlights systemic violations across member states, including democratic backsliding in Brazil and India, war crimes in Russia, state-sponsored forced labour in China, and systemic corruption and xenophobia in South Africa, concluding that BRICS members often instrumentalise human rights rhetoric to assert regional dominance.

The document argues that the regionalization of the conflict in Yemen has created a fragmented mediation landscape where the United Nations' influence has diminished. Saudi Arabia's simultaneous roles as a conflict party and mediator have constrained the space for other actors and led to agreements that address immediate threats rather than underlying intra-Yemeni grievances. The author identifies a 'two-part dilemma' for mediators: deciding which actors to engage (regional rivals versus domestic parties) and determining whether to seek a narrow ceasefire or a comprehensive political solution. Ultimately, the paper concludes that military regionalization has impeded conflict ripeness, excluded non-armed civil society groups, and resulted in fragmented outcomes that fail to address the nature of the Yemeni state.