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The document analyzes the bipolar rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia within the Persian Gulf Regional Security Complex, examining how their competition for ideological leadership, regional security dominance, and energy market control influences their strategic engagement in Afghanistan. It explores the role of global powers—the USA, Russia, and China—in reinforcing these regional divisions and assesses the potential for a cooperative security architecture in the region.

The document analyzes the shift from top-down public diplomacy to a more interactive digital age, exploring how social media affects political sentiment in China and across Africa. It argues that while technology allows for greater public engagement, its influence on actual policymaking varies by national context. In China, a complex negotiation exists between the state and various levels of public opinion (elite, sub-elite, and popular). In Africa, a 'technological leapfrog' is occurring via mobile access, yet in South Africa, social media has not yet become a significant tool for policy negotiation due to a lack of popular sentiment and deep-seated societal divisions. The author concludes that China–Africa relations remain primarily driven by leadership and economic interests, with public understanding remaining superficial and reactive.

The guidebook outlines a holistic approach to fossil-fuel subsidy reform in Southeast Asia, emphasizing a gradual transition to market-based pricing. It details methods for projecting economic and social impacts, designing mitigation measures such as targeted cash transfers, and building political support through internal coordination and external communication. The guide highlights that while subsidies are often intended to protect the poor, they frequently benefit wealthier populations and create fiscal burdens and environmental damage.

The document assesses the security and economic relationships between Afghanistan and its neighbours, including Pakistan, Iran, China, Russia, India, and Central Asian states. It argues that Afghanistan's stability depends on a combination of internal political reconciliation, the strengthening of national security forces, and a regional shift toward economic interdependence. The author suggests that by serving as a 'land bridge' for energy and trade, Afghanistan can motivate neighbouring states to support its stability rather than treating it as a zone for proxy competition.

The report details a workshop in Bali, Indonesia, focused on reforming fossil-fuel subsidies in Southeast Asia. It presents a policy framework based on three pillars: getting energy prices right, managing reform impacts, and building public support. The document includes case studies from the Philippines, Vietnam, Indonesia, Malaysia, India, and Iran, highlighting the fiscal burdens of subsidies, the effectiveness of targeted cash transfers and 'lifeline' tariffs, and the political difficulties of price deregulation. It emphasizes that successful reform requires comprehensive communication strategies, impact assessments for vulnerable groups, and a transition toward market-based pricing to support green growth and energy efficiency.

The document assesses Iran's transition from heavy fossil fuel subsidies to a system of higher energy prices compensated by nationwide cash transfers. It details the 'shock therapy' approach to price increases for petrol, diesel, natural gas, and electricity, and the subsequent fiscal challenges in managing cash payouts. The brief highlights a reduction in most energy consumption but an increase in natural gas use, while noting significant inflationary pressures exacerbated by international sanctions. It concludes with recommendations to target cash transfers more precisely and shift toward in-kind mitigation measures.

The document examines Nigeria's energy subsidy regime, focusing on Premium Motor Spirit (PMS), household kerosene (hhK), and electricity. It highlights the immense fiscal burden on the government, with fuel subsidies alone estimated at over ₦2 trillion in 2011. The guide argues that these universal subsidies disproportionately benefit higher-income earners and are plagued by systemic corruption, such as inflated import claims and the diversion of kerosene to black markets. It also notes that under-pricing of energy has stifled investment in refining and power infrastructure, leading to high reliance on private generators and significant gas flaring. The document outlines the government's transition toward cost-reflective electricity tariffs via the Multi-Year Tariff Order (MYTO) and the attempted removal of gasoline subsidies through the SURE-P program, while providing international lessons on gradual price liberalization and targeted social compensation.

The paper argues that South Africa's foreign policy is often over-extended and lacks focus, attempting to balance competing agendas across the AU, Brics, and the UN Security Council. It highlights a tension between the government's 'Afrocentric' approach and the domestic imperatives of poverty reduction and economic growth outlined by the National Planning Commission. The author suggests that a 'diplomacy of Ubuntu'—emphasizing common humanity and interdependence—could potentially bridge the gap between international ambitions and national interests, provided that the state increases domestic participation in foreign policy formulation through mechanisms like the South African Council on International Relations (Sacoir).

The document is an appendix to a research paper that lists specific conflict episodes where natural resources played a role. It categorizes these links into mechanisms such as financing, distribution, and aggravation, providing brief descriptions of how resources like oil, diamonds, timber, and land influenced the conflicts across various global regions.

The report examines the high cost of petroleum subsidies in India, specifically for domestic LPG and PDS kerosene, and proposes a transition to direct cash transfers. It highlights significant under-recoveries for oil marketing companies and systemic leakages in the Public Distribution System (PDS). The authors recommend short-term measures such as capping subsidized LPG cylinders and conducting more pilot studies, while proposing long-term reforms including improved BPL surveys, increased financial inclusion, and calibrated price decontrol.

The document analyzes the Indian Ocean as a critical global trade and energy highway, detailing the shift from colonial hegemony to a complex environment involving new regional powers like India and China. It identifies key security threats including piracy, illegal fishing, smuggling, and asymmetrical attacks by non-state actors, while evaluating the role of international naval coalitions and regional cooperation frameworks in maintaining maritime order.

The report examines the US-South Africa Strategic Dialogue, highlighting strong trade ties through AGOA and cooperation in defense and non-proliferation. It notes tensions regarding Iranian oil imports and South Africa's role in BRICS, while emphasizing continued partnership in health and nuclear energy.

The document analyzes the first official recognition of agriculture by the UNFCCC at COP 17 in Durban. It reviews submissions from 21 parties to the SBSTA, highlighting a tension between developed countries' focus on scientific mitigation and developing countries' priority on adaptation and food security. The briefing argues that agriculture requires a unique approach to emission reductions—potentially based on efficiency per unit of production—due to the necessity of increasing food supplies for a growing global population. It identifies key points of divergence, including trade implications and the role of smallholder farmers, while suggesting areas of consensus such as the link between agriculture and food security.

The author contends that increasing the ethanol blend rate from E10 to E15 would lower consumer costs and revitalize the domestic ethanol industry, which is currently facing production shutdowns due to market saturation. While the EPA has approved E15 for vehicles made in 2001 and later, the author warns that regulatory delays may prevent the fuel from reaching pumps for over a year, despite gasoline prices rising toward a projected $5.00 per gallon.

The report analyzes the views of 55 Egyptian stakeholders, including policy makers, political parties, and NGOs, regarding the operation of the Rafah Crossing Point (RCP). It examines the tension between humanitarian needs and security concerns, the impact of the tunnel economy, and the role of international agreements like the Agreement on Movement and Access (AMA). The findings highlight a fragmented Egyptian approach, where security agencies prioritize countering smuggling and militant infiltration, while political groups like the Muslim Brotherhood advocate for normalized relations with Hamas. The report concludes that a functioning border depends on resolving the Israeli blockade and establishing a unified Palestinian government.

The report traces the history of ASAT programs, focusing on the United States and Russia/Soviet Union, while noting emerging capabilities in China and India. It details various technologies—including kinetic-kill, co-orbital, laser, and jamming systems—and assesses the risks of space debris and conflict escalation. The document also reviews diplomatic attempts to prevent an arms race in outer space, such as the Outer Space Treaty and various codes of conduct.

The document is a practical guide for creating biocultural community protocols—instruments that document a community's customary laws, values, and decision-making processes to manage interactions with external actors. It emphasizes an endogenous development approach, where change is initiated and controlled from within the community. The toolkit provides a wide array of participatory tools for mapping resources, analyzing power dynamics, and engaging in legal advocacy. It outlines a four-part process: understanding the community and facilitator's role, documenting the community's foundations, implementing the protocol through engagement and negotiation, and continuously reflecting on and revising the instrument.

The document examines how the Syrian conflict destabilizes the 'resistance front' (Syria, Iran, Hizballah, and Hamas) and alters regional power balances. In Lebanon, the crisis exacerbates sectarian tensions and threatens Hizballah's strategic supply lines. In the Occupied Palestinian Territories, it has forced Hamas to shift its political alignment from Damascus to Qatar and Egypt, potentially strengthening Hamas relative to Fatah but not necessarily advancing the Palestinian national cause. The authors argue that the 'new Arab cold war' framework is becoming less relevant as the Syrian regime collapses and regional actors like Egypt seek new diplomatic paths.

The report examines the transition of Turkish foreign policy under the AKP from a non-interventionist stance to a pro-active 'zero problems with neighbours' approach. It argues that the Arab Spring, particularly the civil war in Syria, has forced a return to more pragmatic and security-oriented policies. A central theme is the 'existential fear of Kurdish separatism,' as autonomy in northern Iraq and Syria threatens Turkey's internal stability and reignites conflict with the PKK. While Turkey has achieved economic growth and a 'middle power' status, its soft power is undermined by domestic democratic deficiencies and the imprisonment of journalists and political opponents.

The text examines the evolution of Turkish foreign policy since the AKP came to power in 2002. It describes a transition from a cautious, secular, and Western-focused approach to a strategy that emphasizes Turkey's Muslim identity and seeks to increase its regional influence in the Middle East through 'soft power' and a 'zero-problems' discourse. The author notes that while the government maintains a 'value-based' foreign policy, it must balance this with national interests and the economic growth driven by these regional engagements.