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The document examines Africa's role in the 'global nuclear renaissance,' noting that the continent holds 18% of world uranium resources. It details the production activities of Namibia, Niger, Malawi, and South Africa, while identifying emerging exploration in countries like the Central African Republic and Tanzania. The author argues that while uranium mining provides significant GDP contributions and employment, it is plagued by governance challenges, including a lack of institutional capacity to monitor environmental and health impacts. The paper compares African practices with those in Canada and Australia and suggests that strengthening government capacity and adopting international best practices, such as those from the IAEA and EITI, are essential for sustainable development.

The report examines the financing gap for smallholder farmers in developing countries, who are critical for global food security but highly vulnerable to climate change. It argues that achieving a 'triple dividend'—increased food production, improved adaptive capacity, and reduced emissions—requires a coordinated mix of public, private, and climate-specific financing. The document analyzes the limitations of current mechanisms, such as the decline in official development assistance for agriculture and the high transaction costs of carbon markets, and recommends creating national funds and enabling policy environments to support climate-smart agricultural transitions.

The document analyzes the International Bar Association's Model Mining Development Agreement (MMDA 1.0), providing a template and narrative to ensure mining contracts promote sustainable development, transparency, and equitable resource distribution. It details key contractual areas including land tenure, royalties, taxation, and community obligations, while emphasizing the use of international standards like the IFC Performance Standards and EITI. Additionally, the report investigates the existence of similar model agreements for the oil and gas sector, concluding that no internationally accepted model currently exists despite the availability of various national form contracts.

The document argues that while governance-related intra-state conflicts have become more prevalent than direct inter-state border disputes since the late 1980s, Africa's porous and artificial colonial borders continue to threaten peace and security. These boundaries facilitate the 'regionalisation of conflict' by allowing domestic instability to spill over into neighbouring states, as seen in the Great Lakes region, the Horn of Africa, and West Africa. The author contends that the African Union's (AU) policy of maintaining the colonial status quo (the 'inviolability of national boundaries') has not eliminated tensions. To address this, the AU Border Programme (AUBP) seeks to transform borders from 'barriers' into 'bridges' through proper delimitation and demarcation, which the author identifies as a necessary precondition for successful continental integration and the structural prevention of conflict.

Former President Ahmad Tejan Kabbah details Sierra Leone's transition from a failed state characterized by a brutal civil war (1991–2002) to a functioning democracy. He attributes the conflict to bad governance, corruption, and the influence of the Liberian conflict, while highlighting the role of international interventions (ECOMOG, UN, UK, US) and internal reforms in restoring peace. The report emphasizes the importance of constitutional adherence, security sector reform, and the fight against corruption in sustaining stability.

The report examines the intersection of biodiversity conservation and peacebuilding in post-conflict Sierra Leone. It details the current network of protected areas, which covers only 4% of the land and none of the marine territory, and identifies significant threats including demographic pressure, industrial mining, and agricultural expansion. The authors argue that while conservation can foster peace by creating jobs and promoting transparent resource governance, poorly managed efforts—such as those involving disputed boundaries or inequitable benefit-sharing—can exacerbate local tensions. The report concludes with recommendations to strengthen legislative frameworks, improve stakeholder coordination, and involve local communities in decision-making.

The 2011-2012 CDKN Partner Survey reveals high satisfaction with the network's information products, particularly its publications and newsletter, with higher approval ratings from partners in the South. While over 83% of respondents found CDKN effective at facilitating knowledge sharing, there were significant criticisms regarding its procurement processes and the administrative burden placed on partners, especially smaller organisations and individual consultants. Partners suggested a greater focus on grassroots support in developing countries and the creation of more practical, field-based partnerships.

The document argues that increasing Africa's education spending from 4% to 4.8% of GDP could lead to universal primary education by 2030 and universal basic education by 2035. Using the International Futures (IFs) model, the authors project that this investment would add US$ 2.5 trillion to Africa's GDP by 2050, while significantly reducing child malnutrition, extreme poverty, and the probability of state failure. However, the report notes that these gains require a long-term horizon and a reallocation of government funds away from other sectors like health and the military.

The report examines the surge of foreign direct investment in African farmland and water, often termed "land grabs," and its negative impacts on local communities, human rights, and food security. It identifies three main types of investors: food-insecure states, western agribusinesses, and financial sector actors. The document highlights systemic failures, including lack of transparency, weak land tenure laws, and the marginalization of women. It proposes a role for parliamentarians as watchdogs and legislators to ensure free, prior and informed consent and transparency. Key recommendations include land tenure reform, the potential for a moratorium on large-scale land acquisitions, and the adoption of inclusive business models to align investment with national development strategies and the Maputo Declaration.

The document analyzes the surge of foreign direct investment in African farmland and water, often termed 'land grabbing', highlighting the systemic lack of transparency and the violation of local land rights. It identifies three types of investors—food-insecure states, agribusinesses, and financial speculators—and examines the legal frameworks that often prioritize investor protections over community rights. The report advocates for a parliamentary role in ensuring social inclusion, promoting inclusive business models, and implementing the Maputo Declaration's agricultural goals. It concludes with a draft resolution calling for a moratorium on large-scale land acquisitions until a proper governance framework is established.

China is increasingly engaging in post-conflict settings in Africa, though it lacks a uniform policy framework. Its approach is characterized by a preference for non-interference, a belief in indigenous African agency, and the prioritization of economic modernization and infrastructure over political reform. In Sudan, China has transitioned from a political patron of Khartoum to a more complex role involving participation in UN and AU peacekeeping missions, providing humanitarian aid in Darfur, and establishing diplomatic relations with the Republic of South Sudan. While China's bilateral model offers rapid infrastructure delivery and financing, the document suggests that future success depends on aligning Chinese assistance with African-led strategies and enhancing synergies between bilateral and multilateral efforts.

The report assesses critical security and political risks across several African nations. In Libya, it highlights the challenges of the National Transitional Council (NTC) in establishing law and order and an inclusive government post-Gaddafi. In Egypt, it examines the volatile transition under the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCOAF) and the rising influence of Islamist groups. In Guinea, it analyzes the fragility of democracy following an attempted coup in July 2011. In Malawi, it details the economic and political crisis resulting from the suspension of UK budget support and violent protests. Finally, it reviews the AU's response to the severe drought and famine in the Horn of Africa, specifically Somalia, under the principle of non-indifference.

The document examines the humanitarian and economic dangers of poorly managed military weapons stockpiles in Africa, noting at least 27 known explosions between 1998 and 2011. It analyzes international and regional agreements—such as the UN Programme of Action and the SADC Firearms Protocol—and argues that a lack of transparency, inadequate physical security, and insufficient technical capacity lead to preventable disasters. Case studies of Mozambique and Tanzania illustrate the devastating impact of these explosions on civilian populations and the challenges of implementing national inventories and secure storage standards.

The author argues that the political crisis in Côte d’Ivoire exhibits characteristics of 'warlordism,' a pattern of violent political entrepreneurship previously seen in Liberia and Sierra Leone. This pattern is defined by the recruitment of informal militias, the use of mystical or religious discourse to mobilize frustrated youth, the exploitation of historical communal grievances, and connections to illicit international business networks. The document warns that President Laurent Gbagbo is increasingly adopting these warlord characteristics, utilizing state institutions while simultaneously undermining them, which increases the risk of a protracted civil war similar to those in neighboring states.

The document analyzes the AU's framework for democracy promotion, specifically its rejection of unconstitutional changes of government. It details the evolution of this principle from the Lomé Declaration of 2000 to the 2007 African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, and discusses the 'democrat's dilemma' where popular uprisings to remove authoritarian leaders conflict with strict constitutionalism. The author argues for more consistent application of sanctions against leaders who refuse to leave office after elections and suggests the Pan-African Parliament develop guidelines for managing civilian-led transitions to democracy.

The report finds that while civil society usage of PAIA for strategic advocacy has increased, the performance of information holders has declined, characterized by a high rate of 'deemed refusals' and a lack of affordable appeal mechanisms.

The document examines the 2011 uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya, alongside the political responses in Algeria and Morocco. It identifies systemic corruption, youth unemployment, and political exclusion as primary drivers. It specifically analyzes the Libyan civil war, the role of the African Union and European Union, and the potential for these revolutionary dynamics to spread to Sub-Saharan Africa. The report concludes that the African Union's response was slow and lacked a clear framework for dealing with popular democratic revolutions compared to military coups.

The document presents results from a pilot study of 177 armed conflict actors in 20 African countries. It finds that sexual violence is often indiscriminate, frequently committed by state armies, and can persist in post-conflict periods or years with low killing rates. The study emphasizes that sexual violence is not an inevitable part of war, as many actors do not engage in it, and recommends improved reporting mechanisms and targeted interventions to reduce its occurrence.

The document assesses Saudi Arabia's transition toward a diversified, non-oil-dependent economy and the resulting commercial opportunities for South Africa. It highlights Saudi Arabia's economic reforms, including the development of six mega-cities and the opening of its investment climate through SAGIA. The authors argue that South Africa is currently lagging behind other emerging powers like China and India in exploiting these opportunities and recommends reviving dormant bilateral mechanisms such as the Joint Economic Commission to attract Saudi investment and expand South African trade in the Gulf region.

The author contends that South Africa is experiencing a retrenchment of its global diplomatic ambition under President Zuma, characterized by a lack of policy clarity and a 'managerial lacuna' within the government. While acknowledging the institutional legacy of the African Union left by former President Mbeki, the text warns that continental crises—including climate change, energy insecurity, and water stress—require decisive leadership that is currently absent. The author calls for greater policy coherence between the Department of International Relations and Co-Operation (DIRCO) and other state organs and the private sector, suggesting that DIRCO must modernize its diplomatic skills to include environmental and economic literacy to drive domestic growth.