Search Climate Insights Directory

The document outlines a framework for transitioning African governance toward the 2030 SDGs, emphasizing the need for National Councils for Sustainable Development (NCSDs) and integrated planning. It identifies current gaps, such as poor policy implementation and a dearth of data, and proposes capacity-building strategies and the establishment of Communities of Practice (CoP) to foster knowledge sharing across the continent.

The policy brief examines the emerging architecture of extractive governance in Africa, focusing on the Africa Mining Vision (AMV) and its implementing agency, the African Minerals Development Centre (AMDC). It highlights a critical gap between the economic contributions of the mining and oil sectors and the local socio-economic realities. The author argues that for these home-grown initiatives to succeed, they must leverage research from institutions like SAIIA's Governance of Africa's Resources Programme (GARP), coordinate better to avoid duplication with other bodies like the AfDB's African Natural Resources Centre, and form strategic partnerships with established global mechanisms such as the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) and the Kimberley Process (KP).

The document argues that South Africa's mining competitiveness is declining, as evidenced by its 64th place ranking in the 2013 Fraser Institute Survey. It highlights a shift toward partnerships between Chinese state-owned enterprises and the South African Industrial Development Corporation (IDC), such as the acquisition of Palabora Mining Company. The author warns that these opaque arrangements may favor 'predators'—politically connected opportunists—over 'producers' who adhere to the rule of law, potentially leading to revenue mismanagement and asset stripping.

This guide by the Climate and Development Knowledge Network (CDKN) examines the technical, operational, and institutional barriers that prevent disaster risk assessments from effectively informing public policy and investment decisions. Drawing on research from Latin America and the Caribbean, as well as case studies from Ghana, India, and Pakistan, the document provides a framework for improving the 'uptake' of risk information to support the successor to the Hyogo Framework for Action (HFA2).

The document argues that climate compatible development is won or lost at the subnational level, where local actors face intense pressure from climate extremes but possess unique advantages in local knowledge and cross-sectoral coordination. It identifies key barriers, such as scientific uncertainty at local scales and a gap between public expectations and available resources. To overcome these, the paper recommends strategies including the cultivation of local political 'champions', the creation of 'knowledge partnerships' to translate climate science for communities, and the use of participatory planning to mobilise in-kind resources. It emphasizes that for these local successes to contribute to global transformational change, they must be 'scaled out' to other localities and 'scaled up' into national policy frameworks.

The document identifies significant gaps between the production of disaster risk assessments and their application in policy, particularly in Latin America and the Caribbean. It argues that risk assessments often fail because they are treated as one-off projects rather than continuous processes, lack alignment with political timescales, and are presented in overly technical language. To improve uptake, the guide recommends engaging end-users in design, targeting sectoral agendas, and building local technical capacity.

The report argues that low-carbon technology adoption in developing countries requires tailored innovation systems rather than a one-size-fits-all approach. It identifies specific needs for the 'bottom of the pyramid' (energy access), the rising middle class (lifestyle and urban planning), and industrial sectors (efficiency and value chain integration). The authors emphasize that the public sector must mitigate risks through financial support and coordination, while international bodies like the UNFCCC's Technology Mechanism should act as brokers to link finance, R&D, and knowledge sharing.

A coalition of social movements and NGOs argues that the FAO's current forest definition is reductionist and primarily benefits industrial timber, pulp, paper, and rubber companies. The authors contend that by defining forests simply as land with a certain percentage of tree cover, the FAO erroneously classifies large-scale monoculture plantations as 'reforestation' and ignores the structural and cultural importance of forests to the 300 million people who depend on them for their livelihoods. The letter calls for a new, community-led definition process that recognizes the role of forests in food sovereignty and biological diversity.

The research demonstrates that participatory scenario development serves as a critical tool for capacity-building and awareness-raising in developing countries, complementing traditional vulnerability assessments by integrating socioeconomic trends with climate projections. Through case studies in Ghana, Honduras, and Tajikistan, the authors show that PSD can validate and complement donor-driven initiatives and national strategies. The paper emphasizes the need to combine qualitative stakeholder knowledge with quantitative data—such as downscaled global scenarios and crop modeling—to avoid 'myopic traps' and ensure adaptation options are compatible with broader development goals like poverty reduction and food security.

The document outlines a qualitative participatory scenario development (PSD) approach used to help stakeholders in developing countries anticipate climate change consequences and identify robust adaptation pathways. By combining backcasting—working backward from a desired future—with the introduction of climate and socioeconomic boundary conditions, the process identifies integrated 'hard' (infrastructure) and 'soft' (governance and training) adaptation measures. Key findings emphasize that place-based discussions bridge the gap between abstract global climate models and local policy needs, and that adaptation must be integrated with broader socioeconomic development to be credible and pro-poor. The authors highlight challenges including the cognitive difficulty of imagining long-term futures and the necessity of local collaboration to ensure ownership and relevance.

The report analyzes the systemic power imbalances in compensation processes for extractive industries, where benefits often accrue at the state level while costs are borne by local communities. It evaluates several mechanisms for improving outcomes: Community Development Agreements (CDAs) in mining, strategic human rights litigation, and Biocultural Community Protocols. A specific case study of the Chad-Cameroon Oil & Pipeline Project illustrates the failures of individual-based monetary compensation and argues for a paradigm shift toward livelihood restoration and 'land for land' replacement.

The document examines Brazil's shift from traditional state-led foreign policy to a 'public policy' approach, characterized by a plurality of actors including domestic ministries and subnational entities. It details Brazil's South–South co-operation (SSC) strategies, which emphasize horizontal relationships and solidarity over traditional donor-recipient models. The analysis highlights the strategic importance of Africa, noting significant growth in trade, technical co-operation through the Brazilian Cooperation Agency (ABC), and the role of state-owned enterprises like Vale and Petrobras. It argues that these strategies are part of Brazil's broader pursuit of political autonomy and global power status through coalitions like BRICS and IBSA.

The briefing argues that while the Green Climate Fund's initial readiness program may be narrowly focused on facilitating access to the Fund, it must eventually address broader enabling conditions—such as policy development and capacity building—to achieve transformational climate-resilient development. It further suggests that the GCF should remain flexible regarding the institutions used to channel readiness funds before the formal accreditation process is complete.

The African Governance Architecture (AGA), established by the African Union in 2011, aims to coordinate continental governance initiatives under a 'shared values' agenda. However, the paper identifies critical gaps in its operationalization, specifically a disconnect between governance and security frameworks and an undefined role for the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). The authors argue that integrating the AGA with the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) would transform the latter from a reactive to a pre-emptive tool by using governance assessments to flag potential conflicts. Additionally, the paper suggests the APRM should serve as the primary diagnostic tool for monitoring member states' compliance with shared values instruments, noting that past APRM reports have already identified systemic barriers to domestication, such as bureaucratic red tape and lack of enforcement capacity.

The paper analyzes the funding of African governance institutions, such as anti-corruption commissions and the APRM, and processes like constitutional reform and the EITI. It argues that while government funding is ideal for ensuring national ownership, a mix of donor and state funds is common. The author highlights that funding can be used as a reward for good governance (e.g., US Millennium Challenge Account) or as a tool for donor control (e.g., EU funding of PEFA). The document concludes that mitigating external influence requires a combination of self-assessment processes, adherence to continental or global standards, and the mainstreaming of governance actions into national budgets.

The African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), established in 2003 under NEPAD, is a voluntary governance assessment system where African states evaluate their own political, economic, and corporate governance. By 2013, 33 states had acceded, with 17 completing their first review. The mechanism utilizes a process of self-assessment, expert missions, and high-level peer review to identify deficiencies and implement National Programmes of Action (NPoAs). While the APRM has successfully expanded democratic space and fostered a common governance vocabulary, it faces challenges in integrating NPoAs into national budgets and ensuring consistent high-level oversight of implementation.

The paper examines the tension between 'positive' and 'negative' governance values in Africa. While the African Union has established comprehensive frameworks like the APRM and ACDEG to promote transparency, accountability, and human rights, the author argues that a lack of political will and moral leadership hinders their implementation. The document highlights persistent issues such as systemic corruption, political clientelism, the marginalisation of women, and electoral manipulation, while noting that a small group of countries has made significant progress toward democratic governance.

The document outlines that Africa is experiencing significant warming and increased extreme weather, which threatens food security, health, and economic growth. It argues that while Africa has contributed little to historic emissions, it is highly vulnerable and must integrate adaptation and mitigation into long-term development planning. Key opportunities for the region include adopting decentralized renewable energy, implementing conservation agriculture, and planning low-carbon urban growth to avoid fossil fuel lock-in.

The paper argues that fossil-fuel subsidies in Emerging and Developing Asia, totaling US$104 billion in 2011, represent a significant opportunity to finance the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). It contends that these subsidies are regressive, primarily benefiting wealthier populations while undermining investments in renewable energy and public health. Using case studies from the Philippines and Indonesia, the document demonstrates how transitioning from universal subsidies to targeted social welfare programs and fuel taxation can improve fiscal health and social equity. The author recommends that the SDGs explicitly include a goal to phase out inefficient fossil-fuel subsidies by 2030 to encourage national reforms.

The report outlines a methodology for creating biocultural community protocols—documents that record a community's customary laws, governance, and visions—to help them negotiate with extractive industries. It provides action research questions, guidance for facilitators, and tools for community mobilisation and external engagement, while highlighting the legal and structural challenges faced by communities in Africa, Asia, and Latin America.