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The document examines Algeria's struggle to attract foreign direct investment compared to other middle-income countries, citing regulatory hurdles and the dominance of state-owned enterprises. It notes a shift in investment sources from Europe toward China and Gulf investors, while highlighting the positive impact of remittances on poverty and inequality reduction.

IISD experts assert that the modernized Energy Charter Treaty (ECT) fails to align with climate ambitions, specifically noting that the European Union and United Kingdom have agreed to maintain investment protections for existing fossil fuel assets for at least 10 years after the treaty enters into force. This allows fossil fuel investors to continue filing investor–state dispute settlement (ISDS) claims, potentially hindering the phase-out of oil and gas required to limit warming to 1.5°C. Consequently, several EU member states have announced plans to withdraw from the treaty, leading the European Commission to propose a coordinated EU-wide exit to avoid fragmented unilateral withdrawals.

The document argues that SMBC's involvement in the EACOP project contradicts its own environmental and human rights commitments, exposing the bank and its directors to litigation, reputational damage, and stranded asset risks. It details specific human rights abuses and environmental threats associated with the pipeline and demands a full withdrawal from the project.

The document argues that SMBC's role as a financial advisor and lead arranger for the EACOP project contradicts its own environmental and human rights commitments. It highlights risks including human rights abuses, biodiversity loss, and the potential for the pipeline to become a stranded asset in a net-zero transition. The authors warn that continuing this support could lead to greenwashing accusations, legal liability for directors under Japanese law, and severe reputational damage, especially as other global financial institutions withdraw their support.

The document argues that SMBC's reported role in the EACOP project exposes the group to reputational, financial, and legal liabilities, while contradicting its own environmental and human rights commitments.

The report examines Tunisia's transition from a state-led development model under Habib Bourguiba and Zine El Abidine Ben Ali to the post-revolution era. It highlights early successes in gender equality and education, contrasted with later systemic corruption, cronyism, and economic stagnation. Despite the 2010 revolution, the document notes that structural economic reforms remain unfulfilled, with GDP growth slowing from an average of 4.5% (2000-2010) to 2% (2010-2018), and political uncertainty persisting under President Kais Saied.

The case study focuses on Tor Bella Monaca, a peri-urban enclave in Rome characterized by high density social housing, drug trafficking, and institutional neglect. It highlights the Istituto Comprensivo “Melissa Bassi” as a critical institutional stronghold that, under new leadership since 2019, has worked to combat high dropout rates and social isolation through community engagement and the reclamation of school spaces. The text argues that educational inequality is a symptom of broader spatial disparities across Europe, where outskirts and rural areas often lack the resources and autonomy needed to serve as social elevators, potentially fueling political polarization and far-right populism.

The Net Zero Stocktake 2022 finds that while net zero target setting has expanded significantly—particularly among national governments and large companies—there is an 'alarming lack of credibility' across the landscape. Fewer than one-fifth of national and sub-national targets meet minimum procedural robustness standards, and 65% of corporate targets similarly fail these standards. The report highlights a widespread lack of transparency regarding the use of external offset credits and a deficiency in covering Scope 3 emissions among companies.

The Net Zero Stocktake 2022 finds that while net zero target setting is becoming nearly universal at the national level and increasing among corporations and cities, a significant lack of credibility and robustness persists. Fewer than one-fifth of national and sub-national targets meet minimum procedural standards, and 65% of corporate targets fail these same standards. The report highlights a widespread lack of transparency regarding the use of external offset credits and a deficiency in Scope 3 emissions coverage among companies.

A letter from health organizations representing over 700,000 Canadian health professionals urging the federal government to ban fossil fuel advertising and regulate misleading environmental claims, citing severe public health impacts and drawing parallels to tobacco control.

European governments are significantly increasing renewable energy targets and slashing planned fossil fuel electricity generation to reduce geopolitical dependence on Russian energy. Analysis shows that EU countries' planned 2030 renewable electricity share has risen from 55% to 63%, while planned fossil fuel generation has dropped by 31%. Major importers of Russian fuels, including Germany, Italy, and the Netherlands, are leading these efforts through ambitious wind and solar expansions. The report also highlights the REPowerEU framework's role in coordinating these efforts and the need for further decarbonization in the heating, industry, and transport sectors.

The report outlines how Ember updated its 2020 NECP assessment by incorporating policy changes announced between 2020 and 2022, including coal phase-outs and clean power commitments. It details the transformation of capacity targets into generation figures, the assumption that renewables replace fossil fuels (with specific exceptions for nuclear in Hungary), and the treatment of overproduction in countries like Denmark and France. The analysis identifies 19 governments that updated their renewables expansion or fossil fuel phase-out ambitions beyond their original National Energy and Climate Plans.

The report finds that total EU methane emissions were 15.2 Mt in 2019, with livestock agriculture contributing 53%, waste 27%, and energy 13%. While a business-as-usual trend suggests a 13.4% reduction by 2030, the report estimates a maximum theoretical reduction potential of 49% to 68%. Achieving the 30% (Pledge) and 45% (Science) targets requires significant behavioral changes in livestock agriculture, specifically a shift toward healthier diets with lower meat and dairy consumption, alongside technical measures in the energy and waste sectors.

The document details the significant ESG risks of the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP), including threats to biodiversity, human rights violations, and climate incompatibility. It highlights the financial and reputational risks for Japanese banks, particularly SMBC, and compares their policies with peers like Mizuho and MUFG.

The document addresses industry resistance to the proposed EU deforestation regulation, specifically the 'Geolocation Requirement' which mandates that operators collect latitude and longitude coordinates for all plots of land where covered products (cattle, cocoa, coffee, oil palm, soy, and wood) were produced. ClientEarth argues that traceability is indispensable for ensuring products are 'deforestation-free' and produced legally. It refutes claims that the regulation mandates specific supply chain models like 'identity preserved' or 'segregated' chains, clarifying that mixed-origin supply chains remain permissible as long as they are traceable. The briefing also contends that geolocation requirements will not necessarily exclude smallholders, noting that many in the cocoa and palm oil sectors already support transparency to improve their market position. Furthermore, it argues that compliance costs are likely to be negligible when implemented at scale and that voluntary certification schemes, while useful tools, cannot serve as automatic evidence of compliance due to documented shortcomings in governance and reliability.

The report argues that military decarbonization is essential for both climate mitigation and operational effectiveness, as fossil fuel dependency creates strategic vulnerabilities. It highlights the lack of a standardized emission measurement methodology, noting that while 'standard operations' (buildings and administration) are relatively easy to green, 'non-standard operations' (heavy weaponry and combat mobility) present significant technological hurdles. The document evaluates the current efforts of NATO and the EU, suggesting that NATO can lead through standardization and normative influence, while the EU can leverage its legislative power and financial instruments like the European Defence Fund. It concludes with recommendations for EU-NATO coordination to avoid duplication and accelerate the transition to clean military power.

The paper argues that COVID-19 recovery should move beyond short-term stimulus to 'structural reforms' that are systemic, long-lasting, and general purpose. It introduces a 'Green Structural Recovery Menu' featuring ten high-level measures, including green fiscal reform and natural capital investment. The authors provide a toolkit of prioritisation criteria—categorised as conventional, advanced, and systemic/political—to help governments align policies with specific goals like job creation or planetary boundaries. The report identifies significant gaps in current agendas, particularly regarding gender integration, nature-based solutions, and support for MSMEs. It also addresses the financing challenge for the global south, suggesting debt-for-nature swaps and blended finance. Case studies from countries such as South Korea, Indonesia, and Pakistan illustrate the practical challenges and mixed results of implementing these reforms.

The report details the evolution of the Environmental Integrity Group (EIG) from its founding in 2000 to its role in the Paris Agreement. It highlights how the EIG's unique composition—including both developed and developing nations—enables it to facilitate compromises on technical and political issues such as climate finance, transparency, and carbon markets. The document also examines the individual contributions of member states like the Republic of Korea, Mexico, Monaco, Switzerland, Liechtenstein, and Georgia to global climate science and policy.

The report identifies a critical gap between current energy policies and the requirements for limiting global warming to 1.5°C. Based on 26 'feasible' IPCC pathways that limit reliance on unproven carbon capture and removal technologies, the authors argue that no new oil and gas fields should be developed and that global production must drop by 30% by 2030. Simultaneously, wind and solar capacity additions must double current forecasts, requiring an annual investment of over USD 830 billion by 2030. The report highlights a USD 450 billion annual investment gap and calls for the redirection of capital away from fossil fuels, noting that current oil and gas industry spending on undeveloped fields is inconsistent with climate goals.

The briefing reports that 2030 climate target updates have stalled since COP26, leaving the world on track for 2.4°C of warming based on current targets and 2.7°C based on current policies. Despite the Glasgow Climate Pact's request for governments to strengthen their Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) by the end of 2022, no major emitter has updated its target. The report highlights a significant emissions gap, noting that global emissions in 2030 would be twice as high as the 1.5°C limit allows without increased action. It suggests four pathways for governments to update targets: full NDC updates, expanding NDC coverage (specifically for China regarding non-CO2 gases), participating in new sectoral initiatives, or implementing policies to overachieve existing targets.