Search Climate Insights Directory

The report finds that global coal capacity reached a historic high in 2023, increasing by 48.4 GW to a total of 2,130 GW. While new construction starts reached a nine-year low outside of China, China saw an eight-year high in new starts. Only 15% of global operating coal capacity has commitments to close in line with the 1.5°C Paris Agreement goal. In Indonesia, the report highlights a surge in 'captive' coal plants supporting nickel smelting, noting that 27.5% of Indonesia's operating coal capacity is captive. Despite the US$20 billion Just Energy Transition Partnership (JETP), Indonesia's early retirement targets for coal plants shrank from 5.5 GW to 1.7 GW in late 2023.

The report finds that while most countries are reducing coal proposals, global operating capacity grew by 48.4 GW in 2023, primarily driven by China. It highlights a stark divergence between China's construction surge and a record low in new starts elsewhere, while noting that only 15% of global operating coal capacity has a Paris-aligned retirement commitment.

The report argues that the EU is not on track to meet its 2030 and 2050 climate goals and must shift to an 'option-based' approach that integrates a broad range of low- and zero-carbon technologies. Key recommendations include scaling up carbon capture and storage (CCS), diversifying the energy mix with small modular reactors (SMRs), superhot rock geothermal, and fusion energy, and implementing a rigorous methane import standard. It emphasizes the need for a comprehensive green industrial strategy, a dedicated climate fund to replace the Recovery and Resilience Facility, and international cooperation to set global clean-tech standards.

ClientEarth and a coalition of NGOs call on EU Member States to fully implement the EU Deforestation Regulation (EUDR) without delay, warning that insufficient resource allocation in countries like Germany and Romania, alongside lobbying efforts to postpone obligations, threaten the regulation's effectiveness in reducing the EU's deforestation footprint.

Private equity firms have invested in 85% of operating and 73% of proposed US LNG terminals, contributing significantly to global emissions. The briefing highlights that six firms—PIMCO, Brookfield, KKR, Blackstone, York Capital Management, and Global Infrastructure Partners—account for over 75% of these financed emissions. It argues that LNG may be worse than coal when lifecycle methane emissions are considered and uses the Rio Grande LNG project as a case study of private equity acquiring assets after more accountable investors exit due to climate risks.

The document identifies numerous factual errors made by candidates from various political parties during a debate on the ecological and social transition. Key corrections include debunking claims that the EU Green Deal currently imposes norms on farmers, correcting the ranking of France as the EU's third-largest agricultural exporter rather than the first, and clarifying that France's energy mix is the second most decarbonized in Europe, behind Sweden. It also addresses misconceptions about the carbon footprint of Chinese-made renewables, the efficacy of hydrogen cars, and the actual population and migration figures in Mayotte.

The document is a joint letter from NGOs to President Ursula von der Leyen calling for the withdrawal of a proposal to amend two CAP regulations. The authors argue that the Commission bypassed democratic safeguards, failed to conduct a proper impact assessment, and ignored the EU Climate Law and Green Deal objectives. They claim the proposal's 'ad-hoc consultation process' was too narrow and that removing environmental conditions in the CAP will aggravate biodiversity loss and hinder the transition to sustainable farming.

The author contends that recent farmer protests in Europe and India stem from systemic issues including unfair trade agreements, corporate price-gouging, and a subsidy system that favors large-scale industrial farming. The document criticizes the European Commission's decision to scrap pesticide targets and loosen environmental requirements, arguing that these 'U-turns' ignore the root causes of farmer distress. Instead, the author proposes a 'just transition' that includes a carbon border adjustment mechanism for agriculture, a rethink of the Mercosur trade deal, and a CAP that rewards environmental stewardship over land ownership.

The EU's Carbon Removals Certification Framework (CRCF) is criticized for failing to mandate 'corresponding adjustments,' allowing both companies and countries to claim the same emissions reductions. This 'double counting' risks displacing necessary climate action and contradicts the EU's own international stance on additionality and the rules of the Paris Agreement's Article 6.

The document asserts that zero-carbon electricity grids are possible and debunks myths regarding the need for fossil fuel backups or the risk of grid overload from renewables. It highlights that wind and solar costs fell by 55% and 85% respectively between 2010 and 2020, and that countries like Denmark, Portugal, and Uruguay are already demonstrating high renewable integration. However, a significant bottleneck exists in grid infrastructure, with 3,000 GW of renewable projects awaiting connection across several major economies. The briefing recommends a cross-sector approach integrating heating, cooling, and industry, alongside investments in digitalisation, storage, and cross-border interconnectors to ensure stability and efficiency.

The 2024 barometer identifies a shift toward embedding social justice in climate action and the rise of green macroeconomic governance, while warning against the 'gold rush' for critical minerals and the use of climate as a political 'wedge' issue.

The report examines Energy Communities (ECs) in the EU, highlighting their role in democratising energy and achieving climate goals. It distinguishes between Citizen Energy Communities (CECs) and Renewable Energy Communities (RECs), noting that as of 2022, over 9,000 ECs were operational in the EU. The document details the climate, economic, and social benefits of these models, such as reduced energy poverty and increased grid resilience. Through case studies of Germany, Denmark, Latvia, and Greece, it illustrates how national legislation and financial incentives—like feed-in tariffs and grants—drive adoption. The report concludes that while the EU is a leader in these models, non-EU nations should consider similar legal recognitions to support a just energy transition.

The author contends that the European People's Party (EPP) is actively undermining the European Green Deal and the Nature Restoration Law, moving away from its centrist roots toward a national-conservative ideology. This shift is framed as a strategic attempt to compete with far-right parties, which the author suggests strengthens those movements. The text highlights the precarious position of the Greens, who must now defend moderate policies they previously found insufficiently ambitious, and concludes that the 2024 elections are critical for determining whether the EU continues toward a climate-neutral future.

The UK has adopted a heavily regulated asset base (RAB) model for its CO2 transport and storage (T&S) infrastructure to mitigate 'cross-chain risks' and attract investment. Under the Transport and Storage Regulatory Investment (TRI) model, private Transport and Storage Companies (T&SCo) operate networks under licenses from Ofgem, with revenues derived from user tariffs and supported by a Revenue Support Agreement (RSA) and a Government Support Package (GSP) for high-impact risks. This contrasts with the Netherlands and Denmark, where infrastructure is more commercially driven or involves direct state equity stakes in storage. The UK intends to transition toward a more competitive market for storage after 2035, while onshore transport is expected to remain regulated.

The report highlights a policy gap in the operations of Allianz, Aviva, AXA, and Generali, noting that while these firms have pledged net zero emissions by 2050 and agreed to stop underwriting new oil and gas fields, they continue to provide capital to fossil fuel developers through bond purchases and asset management subsidiaries. It further criticizes these insurers for voting in favor of inadequate climate plans and executive remuneration at annual general meetings of oil and gas companies.

This report by Ember analyzes the alignment between the ten-year grid development plans of European Transmission System Operators (TSOs) and national energy policy targets for 2030. It highlights a risk that transmission grids may become physical barriers to the energy transition if infrastructure planning is based on under-ambitious renewable energy scenarios.

The report finds that many European national transmission grid plans are based on under-ambitious energy scenarios that lag behind current policy targets and market trends, particularly for solar power. This misalignment risks creating grid bottlenecks that could hinder the deployment of renewables by 2030. While there is a trend toward increasing grid expansion and the adoption of 'non-wire solutions' to alleviate congestion, the report argues that political prioritization and regulatory reform are needed to ensure infrastructure keeps pace with the accelerating energy transition.

The author examines the tension in German foreign policy between corporate profit interests and a values-based rhetoric, specifically regarding its engagement with Africa. Historically, Germany's approach has been 'economistic,' focusing on raw material imports and machinery exports. The paper argues that current geopolitical shifts and the need for critical minerals provide an opportunity for Germany to move away from post-colonial models. It suggests that instead of merely securing cheap resources, Germany should support a pan-African industrial policy, the mobilization of domestic resources, and the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) to foster sustainable development and reduce Africa's dependence on raw material exports.

In 2023, Türkiye became Europe's second-largest coal-fired electricity generator, producing a record 118 TWh, with coal's share of total generation rising to 36%. This trend was driven by imported coal, primarily from Russia, which accounted for 73% of imports and 22% of total electricity generation. While solar capacity grew to over 12 GW, wind installations hit a 13-year low of 411 MW. The report notes that Türkiye's trajectory diverges from the EU, where coal generation halved since 2016. Despite a 2053 net-zero target, the National Energy Plan still forecasts new coal and gas capacity by 2035, and the report argues that rooftop solar potential (120 GW) remains underutilised.

The report argues that the UK is currently off track to meet its 2030 NDC and sixth carbon budget, necessitating a shift toward 'accountability and implementation'. It advocates for a systems-based approach that complements electrification with carbon capture and storage (CCS), low-carbon hydrogen, nuclear energy, and aggressive methane mitigation. Key recommendations include establishing a Methane Action Plan, creating a 'producer responsibility' policy for CO2 storage, and prioritising low-carbon hydrogen for 'no-regrets' industrial sectors like refining and ammonia production. The document also emphasises the need for international collaboration, particularly with the EU and emerging economies, to scale these technologies and maintain the UK's global climate leadership.