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The report finds that European supermarkets generally perform poorly in managing plastic pollution, with a mean score of 13.1% across transparency, commitments, and policy support. While some UK and Irish chains like Aldi score higher, many others show minimal transparency and a preference for voluntary commitments over systemic changes like reuse and mandatory deposit systems. The analysis highlights instances of greenwashing, where plastic waste collected in stores was exported and illegally dumped in Turkey.

In Q1 2022, the cumulative GSS+ labelled debt market reached USD3tn, though quarterly issuance fell nearly 30% year-on-year to USD202.2bn due to market volatility and rising interest rates. While green and social bond volumes declined, sustainability and sustainability-linked bonds saw growth. The period was marked by the first sovereign sustainability-linked bond from Chile and the first public sector sustainability-linked bond from the City of Helsingborg. The report also highlights the role of the IPCC WG3 report and the war in Ukraine in underscoring the urgency of the energy transition, while noting the emergence of transition bonds in Japan.

The briefing concludes that BP is not on track for the 1.5°C goal, as its projected emissions will exceed its allocated carbon budget by 2033. Despite pledges to reach Net Zero by 2050, the analysis finds that BP's short-to-medium term carbon intensity remains too high and its capital expenditure continues to favor fossil fuels over renewables.

The briefing concludes that Shell's strategy is not on track to meet the 1.5°C climate goal, predicting the company will exceed its allocated carbon budget by 2034. Despite a net-zero ambition for 2050, the analysis finds that Shell's short-term plans rely on unrealistic offsets and continued investment in oil and gas expansion. The report highlights that Shell remains a top global hydrocarbon developer, with approximately 90% of its 2022 CAPEX allocated to fossil fuels, which contradicts the deep emission cuts required for 1.5°C alignment.

The document argues that TotalEnergies is not on track for the 1.5°C climate goal, as its cumulative greenhouse gas emissions are projected to exceed the compatible carbon budget by at least 31.8% by 2050. It finds that the company's strategy remains driven by oil and gas expansion, with production levels expected to increase by 18.4% by 2030 compared to 2020. The analysis highlights an unsustainable reliance on carbon offsets and a CAPEX allocation that continues to favor fossil fuels over renewables.

The paper examines how the unequal consumption of natural resources and the global carbon budget reinforces systemic inequality and accelerates climate change. It argues that current environmental frameworks, such as the planetary boundaries and the Paris Agreement, often fail to allocate responsibility equitably or address the colonial legacies of the global economic system. The authors call for a transformation of global governance to include marginalized voices and Indigenous knowledge systems, shifting away from a growth-dependent economic model toward one rooted in social justice and cultural reflexivity.

Reclaim Finance critiques Mark Carney's claims that financing for carbon-intensive industries is necessary and consistent with a 1.5°C transition. The organization argues that GFANZ acts as a 'greenwashing operation' due to its lack of enforcement and transparency, and asserts that new fossil fuel infrastructure is neither a viable solution to the energy crisis caused by Russia's invasion of Ukraine nor compatible with IEA pathways. It calls for a managed decline of fossil fuel production and the adoption of strict enforcement mechanisms for financial institutions committing to net zero.

The research identifies a broad public concern for climate change in the UK, though this is often decoupled from an understanding of 'net zero' as a specific policy solution. Using a values-based segmentation model, the study finds that while most Britons are open to 'doing their bit,' there is deep cynicism regarding political trust and the fair distribution of costs. Key findings highlight that fairness is experienced emotionally and varies by income level, with a strong consensus that the wealthy and big businesses should bear more of the financial burden. The report suggests framing net zero as an opportunity for financial wellbeing and energy independence to bridge political and social divides.

The paper examines the rise of Eurobond issuance in Africa as governments seek alternatives to aid, noting that sovereign credit ratings from Moody’s, Fitch, and S&P are essential for market access. It finds that most African countries' ratings have deteriorated since their first assessment, leading to higher borrowing costs and prioritizing debt repayment over human rights and health during the COVID-19 pandemic. The authors criticize the 'big three' for their oligopolistic nature, unreliable methodologies, and limited physical presence in Africa, recommending increased regulation, accountability, and transparency in how Eurobond funds are utilized.

The author contends that Vladimir Putin's 'neoimperializëm reaksionar' threatens the sovereignty of small and medium-sized European nations. To counter this, the text advocates for a unified Europe that ends its 'varësisë së saj nga karburantet fosile', strengthens democratic rule of law, and provides a collective alternative to authoritarianism.

The paper explores 'buen vivir' (living well), an indigenous-rooted concept from South America that prioritizes harmony between humans and nature over economic growth. It examines the tension between this biocentric approach and European 'green' strategies like the European Green Deal, which the authors argue remain tied to economic growth and productivity. While official adoption in EU-Latin America relations has been limited since a 2015 resolution, the document highlights a growing trend of local European initiatives—such as granting legal rights to nature in Spain and the Netherlands—that align with the principles of buen vivir.

Reclaim Finance criticizes ENGIE's transition plan, noting that its coal exit is largely achieved through selling assets rather than closing them, and that the company is increasingly dependent on fossil gas. The briefing warns that ENGIE's reliance on hypothetical future technologies like green hydrogen and its continued gas expansion in several countries are incompatible with a 1.5°C warming limit, calling for investor action at the company's General Meeting.

Reclaim Finance argues that ENGIE's climate strategy is inadequate because it relies on selling coal assets rather than shutting them down and maintains a heavy dependence on fossil gas. The briefing advises investors to vote against the company's "Say on Climate" resolution at the upcoming AGM, noting that ENGIE's targets align with a "well below 2°C" world rather than a 1.5°C pathway.

Analysis by Carbon Limits for Clean Air Task Force indicates that the public funding per tonne of CO2 avoided for recent carbon capture and storage (CCS) projects in Norway and the Netherlands is comparable to, or lower than, the average funding spent by EU schemes for onshore wind, offshore wind, and solar power since 2012.

The report argues that Russia's war on Ukraine has created a supply-side shock that aligns energy security, climate goals, and economics, potentially leading to a prompt and sustained decline in global fossil fuel demand. It suggests that high fossil fuel prices make renewables more competitive and encourages both Europe and the Global South to accelerate the shift toward domestic renewable energy and efficiency to ensure energy security.

PGE is identified as the most coal-intensive utility in Europe, with 15 GW of capacity and 71% of its revenue derived from coal. The company plans to exit coal by 2049 and is currently expanding the Turów coal mine and developing new gas power plants. The document highlights a contradiction in BlackRock's investment in PGE given BlackRock's 1.5°C alignment pledges.

The report synthesizes evidence on the wide-ranging health risks of traffic-related air pollution (TRAP), noting that one-third of Canadians live within 250m of a major road. It details impacts across respiratory, cardiovascular, neurological, and reproductive systems, while highlighting that racialized and low-income populations bear a disproportionate burden. The document also analyzes how the COVID-19 pandemic both exacerbated health risks and demonstrated the potential for air quality improvement through traffic restrictions. It concludes with recommendations for pollution control policies, active transport infrastructure, and urban greening.

The report assesses the climate security landscape of the Levant, focusing on the interplay between governance, cooperation, and technology. It identifies severe heatwaves, rainfall reduction, and water scarcity as primary physical risks. Through four scenarios, the authors argue that while large-scale projects require stable governance and cross-border agreements, the widespread availability of small-scale adaptive technologies could provide a critical resilience pathway for populations in states with poor or predatory governance.

The report outlines critical research needs across natural sciences, social sciences, and legal analysis to support climate litigation. Key gaps include the need for localized attribution science, investigations into corporate disinformation and internal knowledge (including non-fossil fuel industries), and the quantification of economic damages. It also emphasizes the necessity of 'translational work' to bridge the communication gap between scientists, legal practitioners, and judges, particularly regarding legally relevant timeframes and standards of evidence.

The document examines the 'digital divide' facing approximately 38 developing countries in the WTO e-commerce JSI, highlighting gaps in infrastructure and information asymmetry. It argues that current cooperation provisions are too focused on regulatory alignment and recommends a hybrid Special and Differential Treatment (SDT) model—combining elements of the Trade Facilitation Agreement and GATS—to provide enforceable capacity building and flexible implementation periods.