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This research paper by Semir Yusuf of the Institute for Security Studies examines the causes of the increased scale and intensity of ethnic conflicts in Ethiopia since 2018, attributing them to militant ethno-nationalisms and state fragility.

The document warns that a proposed Protocol to the Convention on Conventional Weapons (CCW) would allow some countries to continue trading, stockpiling, and using cluster munitions, thereby weakening the international legal standard established by the 2008 Convention on Cluster Munitions (CCM). It highlights that Africa is disproportionately affected by these weapons, with nearly a third of affected countries and territories located on the continent. The author urges African states to maintain their commitment to a total ban to avoid setting a dangerous legal precedent where a lower standard of international law is adopted after a higher one has already been agreed upon.

The text advocates for demilitarisation based on the premise that traditional military deterrence is often outdated and that security can be more cost-effectively achieved through non-violent means and human security frameworks. It proposes replacing 'rules of thumb' for military spending with rational cost-effectiveness analysis and objective security assessments. The author suggests that transparency in military budgeting is necessary for parliamentary oversight and that a 'National Ministry of Peacebuilding' should be established to manage the transition. While acknowledging the difficulty of generating a domestic 'peace dividend' in developing nations, the document highlights the potential for long-term economic and social gains through the reallocation of resources from military to civilian sectors.

The document examines the demobilisation and reintegration of military personnel across various African nations, arguing that while downsizing armed forces can potentially free resources for development and serve as a confidence-building measure, the actual impact is not automatic. It highlights that high costs of resettlement and reintegration often offset short-term financial gains. The author emphasizes that successful demobilisation depends heavily on political will, the institutional environment, and the availability of sustainable economic opportunities for ex-combatants to prevent the reoccurrence of conflict.

This document is a draft agenda for the Twelfth Ordinary Session of the Assembly of the African Union, scheduled for February 1-3, 2009, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

The report details a seminar held in Addis Ababa on February 12, 2009, which analyzed the outcomes of the 12th Ordinary Summit of the African Union. Key discussions focused on the low implementation rate of AU Assembly decisions, the legal challenges of transforming the AU Commission into an Authority, and the AU's response to the International Criminal Court's indictment of the President of Sudan.

The report details the outcomes of a conference held in Jinja, Uganda, from 11 to 13 March 2009, focusing on the impact of HIV and AIDS on African armed forces. It argues that the pandemic threatens regional security and development, specifically noting that recruitment policies based on health factors can lead to "grossly diminished soldier’s combat readiness." The participants recommend the creation of an African Network on HIV and AIDS in the military to spearhead a unified policy (CCAAHM) covering recruitment, the care of HIV-positive soldiers, and guidelines for peacekeeping deployments. Key proposed actions include adopting a common policy for control and prevention, integrating voluntary counseling and testing (VCCT) in pre-deployment, and conducting human rights assessments of HIV-related military policies.

The document examines the transition of women who joined the Tigrean People’s Liberation Army (TPLF) as children and were demobilised in 1992/1993. It highlights how the TPLF's ideology of gender equality empowered these women, contrasting their internalised beliefs in equality and self-confidence with the traditional, patriarchal norms of Ethiopian civilian society. The study finds that while demobilisation led to a sense of loss regarding collective identity and practical difficulties in managing households, the experience of being a fighter provided lasting benefits in education, autonomy, and political assertiveness.

The document provides an analytical account of child soldiering in Africa, focusing on the drivers, roles, and consequences for both boys and girls. It argues that the use of children is a global phenomenon facilitated by the proliferation of light weapons and the nature of modern intra-state civil wars. The author emphasizes that recruitment is often a deliberate military strategy based on the agility and controllability of children, or a result of extreme poverty and state collapse. The text highlights the specific, often invisible, experiences of girl soldiers, who serve as combatants, spies, and forced 'wives'. It concludes that child soldiering creates a 'scarred generation' and a dysfunctional notion of childhood, which in turn alters the culture of the affected societies.

The report examines a small sample of eleven women who joined the TPLF as children and later transitioned to civilian life. It finds that while these women gained significant empowerment, education, and a belief in gender equality during their military service, they faced 'culture shock' upon reintegration into a traditional Ethiopian society. The study highlights a disconnect between the egalitarian values of the TPLF and the patriarchal norms of civilian life, leading to challenges in domestic roles and economic stability. It argues that for women recruited as children, demobilisation is not merely a return to society but a new socialisation process, challenging the 'victim' narrative often associated with child soldiers.

This report summarizes a conference titled 'Unpacking the Somali Conflict' held on 21 January 2009 in Pretoria, South Africa. The event brought together experts to discuss the complexities of the crisis in Somalia, the role of international and regional actors, and the challenges facing the Transitional Federal Government and peacekeeping missions like AMISOM.

The document examines the escalating border dispute between Ethiopia and Sudan over the al-Fashaga area, noting its intersection with tensions over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD). It highlights how internal political instability in both countries and conflicting claims over land sovereignty hinder negotiations, warning that failure to de-escalate could lead to proxy wars and further regional destabilisation.

The document examines the conflict between Ethiopia and Egypt over the proposed Great Millennium Dam, a project with a 5,250 megawatt capacity. Egypt has expressed concerns regarding its water quota and has threatened military action, while Ethiopia links Egyptian access to the site to the signing of the Cooperative Framework Agreement (CFA). The dispute is framed by the CFA, which is supported by several upper Nile Basin states but rejected by Egypt, and is further complicated by the independence of Southern Sudan.

The document reports on a seminar held in Addis Ababa on November 17, 2009, which discussed the potential for conflict arising from the lack of a comprehensive framework for sharing the Nile and Lake Victoria water resources. Participants identified several drivers of instability, including dwindling resources, colonial boundary demarcations, and the influence of trade syndicates and the World Bank.

The document examines the legal framework of international criminal law, focusing on the 'core crimes' of the International Criminal Court (ICC): genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes. It details the three essential components for establishing individual criminal responsibility: the material element (conduct), the mental element (intent/knowledge), and the contextual element (the broader circumstances of mass violence or armed conflict). The text analyzes the Rome Statute, the 'Elements of Crimes' document, and jurisprudence from the ICTY and ICTR to explain how these crimes are distinguished from domestic offences and from each other. It specifically explores the 'special intent' required for genocide, the 'widespread or systematic' nature of crimes against humanity, and the distinction between international and non-international armed conflicts in the context of war crimes.

Africa is experiencing rapid population growth and urbanisation, with a projected population of over 1.8 billion by 2035. While the continent shows a positive overall trend, growth is heterogeneous and often outpaced by population increases, leading to a projected rise in the number of people living in extreme poverty. The report highlights a 'demographic dividend' that remains delayed due to high fertility rates, and notes that while global democratic trends are declining, popular support for democracy in Africa remains strong despite fragile foundations. Security is shifting from large-scale interstate conflicts toward more complex, lower-fatality violence, including urban riots and terrorism. Economic growth is hindered by a lack of structural transformation and a significant infrastructure deficit, particularly in basic services like water and sanitation, which the report argues are more critical for poverty reduction than traditional trade infrastructure.

The document examines the establishment of the Green Climate Fund (GCF) following the 2010 Cancun and 2011 Durban agreements. It critiques the World Bank's historical role in climate finance, citing conflicts of interest, a bias toward mitigation over adaptation, and the promotion of private sector instruments that may marginalise the poorest nations. The author advocates for the GCF to maintain a distinct legal personality, an independent secretariat, and a grant-based approach to adaptation to ensure direct access for developing countries, particularly in Africa.

The document assesses how climate variability and anthropogenic factors drive resource scarcity and conflict in Africa, focusing on the African Union's response and specific regional crises in the Lake Chad Basin, Lesotho, the Nile Basin, the Niger Delta, Tanzania, South Africa, Kenya, Botswana, and Uganda.

The report argues that traditional state-led security policies in Kenya, which focus on coercive disarmament and supply-side regulation, are ineffective in 'borderlands' where government presence is limited. Instead, it highlights the success of community-based organizations (CBOs) and NGOs in reducing the demand for small arms and light weapons (SALW) by addressing root causes such as poverty, resource competition, and identity-based conflict. Through case studies in Nairobi, Marsabit, Isiolo, the Northeastern Province, Tana River, and the North Rift, the author demonstrates that integrating development, education, and customary law into security frameworks can shrink gun markets from the bottom up.

The fact sheet describes Biocultural Community Protocols (BCPs) as endogenous, inclusive tools used by indigenous and local communities to define their rights and responsibilities under customary, state, and international law. It details how BCPs facilitate proactive responses to threats like illegal mining and infrastructure projects, and how they support the protection of traditional knowledge and biodiversity. The document provides several case studies from Africa, Asia, and Latin America, and promotes a toolkit and website for community facilitators to develop and implement these protocols.