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The document analyzes the complex relationship between African diasporas and their homelands, contrasting historical forced migrations (the slave trade) with modern voluntary and forced migration. It investigates how migrants influence homeland politics through opposition movements, lobbying, and voting, while highlighting the critical economic role of remittances, particularly for island micro-states and enclaves like Cape Verde, Comores, and Lesotho. The author notes that while diasporas can provide essential financial support, they are often viewed with suspicion by authoritarian regimes and internal political actors.

The report defines food security as food that is available at all times, accessible to all, nutritionally adequate, and culturally acceptable. It argues that while global food supply has generally kept pace with demand, food insecurity persists due to failures in distribution and individual access. The document evaluates four policy paths: food self-sufficiency (now largely seen as unrealistic), trade liberalization (which offers supply stability but can undermine local producers), food sovereignty (which emphasizes national policy autonomy and peasant rights), and multi-functional agriculture (which integrates environmental sustainability and non-commodity public values into farming). It concludes that a pragmatic, flexible approach is necessary to reconcile economic, social, and ecological objectives.

The document examines the shift toward 'vertical deepening' of peacekeeping, where the UN relies more on regional organisations like the African Union (AU) and its 'building blocks' (SADC, ECOWAS, IGAD, ECCAS/CEEAC, and EAC). It highlights a critical gap between Africa's political will and its financial capacity, noting that while the AU can provide troops, it cannot fund large-scale missions. The author analyzes the EU Peace Facility as a model for external support and proposes seven funding options for regional operations, ranging from UN assessed contributions to bilateral arrangements. The paper concludes that African peacekeeping should be a 'bridging force' for UN deployments rather than a total replacement, requiring sustained international investment in capacity-building and DDR (disarmament, demobilization, and resettlement).

The report analyzes South Korea's transition from a poor nation to an OECD member, highlighting the integration of education with industrial planning. It emphasizes the influence of Confucianism, the impact of Japanese colonial vocational structures, and the strategic vision of President Park Chung Hee. The author argues that Korea's success stemmed from a coherent 'regime' where education targets were synchronized with job creation and industrial goals. The document concludes by suggesting that African states can benefit from enhancing state capacity and linking education policies to concrete development objectives.

The report examines the gap between global water scarcity models and the local realities of migration. It argues that while global indicators identify high-stress regions, they fail to account for local coping mechanisms, social vulnerability, and the diverse reasons people move. The authors contend that water scarcity is rarely the sole driver of large-scale refugee movements; instead, it interacts with political and economic factors. The document advocates for a livelihoods-based approach to policy that enhances community resilience and recognizes migration as a potential adaptive strategy rather than merely a crisis of 'environmental refugees'.

The paper critiques existing Environmental Impact Assessments (EIA), Social Impact Assessments (SIA), and political risk analyses for their failure to systematically address violent conflict. It proposes a Conflict-Sensitive Business Practice (CSBP) toolbox that integrates conflict analysis tools—such as conflict mapping and stakeholder analysis—across the entire project lifecycle. The authors emphasize that extractive projects are increasingly located in 'frontier areas' where mismanagement of community relations or environmental resources can trigger violence. The proposed CSBP approach advocates for participatory consultation, the establishment of 'no go' thresholds for conflict, and the identification of peacebuilding opportunities through shared environmental concerns.

The South Sudan Defence Force (SSDF) is a fragmented coalition of militias and former SPLM/A fighters that provides critical security for Sudan's oil fields and government-held towns in the south. Despite its strategic importance, the SSDF was omitted from the September 2003 Framework Agreement on Security Arrangements, which recognized only the Government of Sudan (GoS) and the SPLM/A. This exclusion, combined with the GoS's policy of dividing southern forces and the SPLM/A's reluctance to acknowledge the SSDF's military capacity, threatens the viability of the peace process. The report highlights ongoing violence in Western Upper Nile and among the Shilluk community as evidence of the instability caused by the lack of south-south reconciliation.

The paper examines the recurring failure of peace processes in Somalia, highlighting the role of warlords, clan dynamics, and the influence of regional powers like Ethiopia, Kenya, and Djibouti. It details the transition from the Siyad Barre regime to a collapsed state, the relative stability of Somaliland and Puntland, and the specific outcomes of the Arta process and the Eldoret/Mbagathi conferences. The author argues that the 'violent veto' of faction leaders and the divergent interests of international mediators continue to undermine the establishment of a stable national government.

The document analyzes the IGAD-led peace process between the Government of Sudan (GoS) and the Sudan Peoples Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A), highlighting the critical role of US pressure and the Machakos Protocol. It warns that the initial 'elite-driven' and 'secretive' approach must be replaced by transparency and democratic engagement to prevent instability from marginalized groups, such as the SSDF and the SLM/A in Darfur. The author emphasizes that internal stability is inextricably linked to resolving contentious bilateral relations with neighbors, particularly Eritrea and Uganda, and calls for a comprehensive regional framework to secure the peace.

The report examines the intended and unintended gendered consequences of three international interventions: the UN Mission in Eritrea/Ethiopia (UNMEE), the NATO Stabilization Force in Bosnia and Herzegovina (SFOR), and the Temporary International Presence in Hebron (TIPH). It identifies significant gaps between UN norms—such as Resolution 1325—and field realities, highlighting issues like increased prostitution in Eritrea, the failure to treat sexual violence as a security threat in Bosnia, and the need for gender-sensitive training in Hebron. The authors argue that gender mainstreaming is often treated as a 'soft' issue rather than a rational security necessity and recommend that Norway lead efforts in creating gender-aware recruitment databases and a Nordic-Canadian lobby to promote these goals within the UN system.

The report examines the 'cold peace' between Ethiopia and Eritrea after their 1998-2000 border war. While the Algiers Peace Accord ended active hostilities, the subsequent ruling by the Border Commission to award the symbolic town of Badme to Eritrea has created a political impasse. Ethiopia, influenced by the Tigray Regional State, has rejected the ruling as 'wrong and unjust,' leading to a stalemate in physical demarcation. The author argues that the international community's focus on technical demarcation is insufficient and that genuine political dialogue is required to address deep-seated mistrust and economic strains to avoid a return to war.

The document analyzes power sector reforms in East and Southern Africa, arguing that current commercialization and privatization efforts often exclude the poor. Through case studies of Ethiopia, Tanzania, and Zimbabwe, it highlights how high connection costs, restrictive lending terms for local entrepreneurs, and a lack of integrated public-benefit policies hinder rural electrification and urban energy access.

The report details a workshop on integrating public benefits—such as rural electrification, energy efficiency, and renewable energy—into power sector reforms in developing countries. It argues that while reforms can threaten traditional public benefit delivery, they also create opportunities for new, more transparent regulatory frameworks. The document emphasises the need for broader stakeholder involvement, including NGOs and academia, and calls for specialised training and research-based capacity building to ensure reforms align with sustainable development goals.

The report critiques the impact of trade liberalisation and corporate control on global food security, advocating for a shift toward localised, sustainable food systems and the recognition of food sovereignty as a fundamental right.

The document analyzes the NEPAD African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), detailing its five-stage review process, its organizational structure involving the APR Forum and Panel of Eminent Persons, and its complex relationship with the African Union. It highlights the tension between political governance review and economic governance, the role of partner institutions like the UNECA and the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights, and the challenges of financing and institutional capacity in ensuring the mechanism's efficacy.

This research paper by David H. Shinn analyzes Sudan's strategic position in Africa, focusing on its internal civil war, the economic impact of oil, and its complex bilateral relations with its nine neighboring countries as of March 2003.

The report warns of a dramatic worsening of the situation in Burundi, characterized by the suspension of negotiations by the FDD, the non-implementation of cease-fires, and a growing movement to remove the existing political system. It highlights a critical disconnect between the rigid Arusha Process timetable and the reality of ongoing violence and political fragmentation, suggesting that the scheduled transition of the presidency on May 1, 2003, could lead to chaos or government paralysis.

This fact sheet traces the evolution of sustainable development from the 1960s to 2002. It highlights a progression from early environmental warnings, such as Rachel Carson's 1962 work, to the establishment of major international frameworks like the 1987 Brundtland Report and the 1992 Rio Earth Summit. The timeline documents the rise of environmental NGOs, the creation of UN agencies like UNEP, and the development of climate-specific agreements including the Montreal Protocol and the Kyoto Protocol. It also notes the intersection of sustainability with social issues, such as poverty eradication, human rights, and gender equality, culminating in the 2002 World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg.

As of mid-2001, Africa hosted approximately 5 million refugees and 21 million internally displaced persons (IDPs). The report highlights that IDPs now outnumber refugees globally and that in Africa, 80% of refugees are hosted by least developed countries. Significant displacement is driven by conflict and drought, particularly in Sudan, Angola, and the DRC. Children under 18 make up 56% of all refugees in Africa, exceeding 60% in countries such as Angola, Togo, Guinea, Burundi, Rwanda, Sudan, and the DRC.

The proceedings detail the challenges faced by Eastern and Southern African nations in establishing biosafety regulatory frameworks. It emphasizes the critical gaps in human resources, laboratory infrastructure, and public awareness across knowledge-generating institutions, government bodies, and civil society. The report argues for a regional, resource-sharing approach to risk assessment and data validation to overcome the financial and technical limitations of individual countries.