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The report analyzes the power dynamics of Africa's five most influential states, using the Hillebrand-Herman-Moyer Index (HHMI) to forecast capabilities. It finds that while Nigeria and Ethiopia are expected to increase their power capabilities, Algeria, Egypt, and South Africa are likely to stagnate or decline. The authors distinguish between raw capabilities and 'power projection,' noting that Ethiopia and South Africa currently punch above their weight, while Nigeria and Algeria punch below theirs. The analysis emphasizes that governance deficits and domestic instability often hinder the translation of material capabilities into actual regional or global influence.

The report analyzes the relapse into violence in South Sudan following its 2011 independence, identifying the root causes as political power struggles and structural governance failures rather than purely ethnic conflict. It argues that the leadership of both President Salva Kiir and Riek Machar has failed to provide a strategic vision, resulting in a state characterized by corruption, patronage, and a lack of institutional capacity. The author evaluates three future scenarios: a transitional government of national unity, a neutral interim government, and the maintenance of the status quo. The report concludes that a neutral interim government is the most viable path to implement the systemic reforms necessary to move beyond short-term political fixes and address the country's legacy of injustice.

The document analyzes how South Africa's economic and political dominance affects its relations with Southern African neighbors. It highlights a 'forked approach' where South Africa employs quiet diplomacy in political matters but is perceived as assertive and mercantilist in economic engagements. While its peacekeeping efforts are praised, the paper notes a gap between the region's expectations of South African leadership and the actual funding and capacity constraints of the South African National Defence Force.

The policy brief examines the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), noting that 35 of 54 African Union (AU) states have voluntarily joined. It argues against making membership mandatory, asserting that the process relies on the political will and openness of participating states to produce credible reports. The author highlights that more open societies are more likely to complete reviews and that mandatory accession would likely introduce non-credible, manipulated reviews from closed societies, thereby damaging the APRM's reputation. The brief recommends focusing on consolidating the system among committed members and addressing the APRM's financial and administrative shortcomings.

The document argues that African regional integration remains a state-centric process, largely excluding citizens and businesses due to an information deficit and a lack of organized non-governmental constituencies. While some countries like Mauritius show successful business-government integration, most of the continent suffers from low public awareness and underdeveloped civil society organizations. The author recommends public education, high-quality research into stakeholder needs, and infrastructure upgrades to ensure that opening borders provides tangible benefits to the informal sector and private enterprise.

The study uses a nexus toolkit (WEAP and LEAP) to analyze the food-energy-environment nexus in Ethiopia's Lake Tana Subbasin, finding that agricultural intensification and energy transition are interdependent and potentially competitive. It identifies critical resource scarcity dilemmas regarding water availability and a 'biomass ceiling' where demand for food, fodder, and fuel matches the annual biomass increments of terrestrial ecosystems.

The paper critiques the 'liberal peace paradigm' in Africa, suggesting that external peacebuilding often reinforces autocratic governance by focusing on state-building and technical capacity rather than addressing systemic inequality and patronage networks. It argues that current conflicts are driven by the collective denial of individual rights to maintain power configurations, and that peacebuilding must shift toward a rights-based approach to be effective.

The February 2015 Peace & Security Council Report details the AU's efforts to manage continental security crises. Key outcomes include the authorization of a 7,500-strong Multinational Joint Task Force (MJTF) to combat Boko Haram and a new tiered funding model for the AU budget. However, the report notes significant setbacks, such as the deferral of the Commission of Inquiry report on South Sudan and deep divisions within the International Contact Group on Libya. It also highlights the high risk of election-related violence across 18 African states in 2015 and the ongoing struggle to defeat al-Shabaab in Somalia.

The Ministry of Finance and Economic Cooperation of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia submitted a formal nomination letter to the Green Climate Fund on January 2, 2015, requesting accreditation to serve as an entity capable of managing climate finance projects within the country.

The document argues that large-scale hydropower in sub-Saharan Africa is highly vulnerable to climate change, yet planning typically relies on historical data and ignores future projections. It identifies barriers to the adoption of climate services—including short planning horizons, institutional gaps, and the influence of Chinese financing—and recommends adopting flexible designs and catchment-wide planning based on downscaled climate models.

The report examines the gap between Africa's strong rhetorical commitment to regional integration and the limited actual progress achieved. Using APRM data from 17 countries, it identifies systemic barriers including reluctance to cede national sovereignty, overlapping memberships in multiple regional economic communities (RECs), inadequate infrastructure, and a lack of private sector involvement. While some blocs like the East African Community (EAC) show more progress, most have not advanced beyond free trade areas or customs unions, and intra-African trade remains low compared to trade with external partners like the EU and China.

The 10th GCF Board meeting resulted in the accreditation of 13 new entities, including the World Bank and Deutsche Bank, despite civil society opposition. The Board approved a US$200 million pilot for Enhanced Direct Access, alongside other pilots for MSMEs and resource mobilization. Additionally, US$2.5 million was allocated for readiness support in nine countries, and the Fund's total signed contributions reached US$5.47 billion.

The document provides a practitioner-focused guide to securing community land rights in Africa, detailing case studies on resolving land conflicts, strengthening local governance, and resisting forced resettlement. It emphasizes the importance of community self-definition, the use of Biocultural Community Protocols, and the necessity of multi-pronged advocacy strategies involving legal education, media engagement, and the building of alliances between grassroots movements and sympathetic government actors.

The document examines the role of diaspora populations in international development, highlighting that their financial contributions often exceed official development assistance. It analyzes the challenges of integrating diaspora-led initiatives into the formal Norwegian aid system (Norad), the value of 'diasprenuer' (diaspora entrepreneurship), and the importance of recognizing transnational bonds as a resource rather than a barrier to integration.

The document examines the tensions between humanitarian protection and the push for the return of refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs), particularly in Somalia. It argues that return programming often relies on a flawed 'sedentary bias' and ignores the critical role of social networks and the reality of ongoing conflict. The authors warn that shifting aid from regional camps to unstable areas like south-central Somalia may serve state migration management interests rather than humanitarian needs, potentially increasing risks for returnees in environments of impunity.

The report examines return migration as a complex spectrum of agency and coercion, challenging the 'myth of return' and the binary of forced versus voluntary migration. It identifies ten key findings, highlighting that return intentions are shaped by competing attachments to multiple societies and that reintegration can be as challenging as initial integration due to social expectations, corruption, and security risks. The research emphasizes the critical role of short-term return visits in informing decisions and maintaining transnational ties, while noting that secure legal status in a destination country often paradoxically facilitates the possibility of return by providing a safety net.

The report provides an 'Afro-realistic' analysis of accountability in Africa, contrasting the potential of continental initiatives like the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and Agenda 2063 with the practical challenges of domestic implementation. It investigates the roles of the African Union (AU), national parliaments, ombudsman offices, and civil society in curbing executive power and ensuring sustainable peace. The text highlights a tension between economic development and democratic governance, noting that while some states achieve growth, it often occurs at the expense of human rights.

The document analyzes the 'accountability chains' of various private financial instruments to determine if they share the climate-related goals necessary to be counted as climate finance. It contrasts public finance, which has a continuous accountability chain focused on public goods, with private instruments like commercial debt, where investors prioritize financial returns over climate outcomes. While green bonds and philanthropy show aligned goals, equity and remittances present complexities regarding transparency, reversibility, and the nature of the benefits delivered.

The Stockholm Environment Institute (SEI) provides several specialized tools for climate action: LEAP for integrated energy planning and GHG mitigation; WEAP for integrated water resources planning and 'climate-proofing'; REAP and REAP Petite for consumption-based environmental impact accounting; and weADAPT, a collaborative web-based platform for sharing adaptation knowledge. SEI also leads the PROVIA Guidance project to provide technical guidance for National Adaptation Plans (NAPs). The institute's current strategy focuses on expanding capacity-building, creating 'toolkits' to address resource trade-offs, and making these technical tools more accessible to non-experts through visualization and cloud-based platforms.

The document argues that traditional techno-economic approaches to energy access are insufficient and proposes an ecosystem services lens to better understand how biomass use affects human welfare and the environment. It details three primary research methodologies: demand-side surveys, supply and value chain analysis, and economic modeling of consumer choice, with a particular focus on the charcoal sector in sub-Saharan Africa.