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The document analyzes the institutionalization of 'Xi Jinping Thought' and its impact on China-Africa relations, highlighting five trends: the centrality of the Communist Party of China (CPC), the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), support for UN reform, an expanded global military role, and stricter internet governance. It warns that while China offers development alternatives to the West, these trends may increase debt burdens, promote illiberal internet regimes, and increase the militarization of the continent.

The report examines the 2018 African Union Peace and Security Council elections, noting a shift toward regional consensus and a decline in the average governance and democracy scores of member states. It details institutional reform struggles led by President Paul Kagame, specifically the contested transformation of Nepad into a development agency. Additionally, it analyzes the need for sanctions in South Sudan, the political deadlock in Togo, and the challenges of state absence in the Central African Republic.

The policy brief argues that while industrialisation and urbanisation offer growth opportunities for African economies, they risk locking countries into carbon-intensive pathways if not managed. Focusing on Ethiopia's use of urban 'clusters' and industrial parks, the document suggests a corridor approach to urban-industrial development to ensure sustainability. Key recommendations include identifying catalytic projects that link local and national priorities, incrementally building the capacity and effectiveness of regional and city institutions, ensuring national and local urban plans are integrated and aligned with national climate strategies, and addressing infrastructure bottlenecks through business models that place green growth at the centre of planning.

The document advocates for 'green urban industrialisation' in Ethiopia, specifically through a corridor approach that connects urban clusters. Using the Kombolcha–Mek’ele corridor as a case study, it suggests that integrating transport, infrastructure, and resource management across administrative boundaries can prevent carbon-intensive development and maximise economic productivity. Key recommendations include identifying catalytic projects in green housing, waste, and water management, improving institutional coordination between federal and regional levels, and aligning local urban plans with national climate strategies.

The paper finds that while some countries like Ethiopia and Peru align their NDCs with national strategies, others like Bangladesh and Ghana exhibit a disconnect between climate commitments and energy planning. It argues that integrating climate objectives into national development strategies and leveraging co-benefits such as job creation and health improvements can drive higher ambition in revised NDCs.

The report finds that the threat of violent extremism among South Sudanese and Somalian refugees in Ethiopia is low, as refugees often possess a genuine disdain for the extremists who caused their displacement. While Ethiopia has effectively managed camp security through a collaborative approach involving refugees, the document warns that chronic underfunding and a lack of livelihood opportunities for youth create fertile ground for future radicalisation. It argues against the narrative that refugees are inherent security risks, suggesting instead that robust asylum processes and integration policies, such as Ethiopia's Nine Pledges, are the most effective ways to ensure security.

The paper examines the decline of internet freedoms in Africa, noting that at least 10 states shut down internet access or social media in 2016 to curtail political mobilisation. While technology can improve government transparency and service delivery—as seen in Kenya's e-government initiatives—it is also used for surveillance and censorship. The author argues for a balanced regulatory approach that addresses cybercrime, which is growing rapidly in Africa, without infringing on civil liberties. The document highlights a lack of binding continental or regional frameworks, noting that most existing instruments are non-binding templates.

The report finds that while electricity access finance in 20 high-impact countries increased by 56% to USD 30.2 billion per year in 2015-16, it remains far below the estimated USD 52 billion needed annually. Investment is heavily skewed toward non-residential consumers and grid-connected technologies, including a significant increase in coal-fired power. Sub-Saharan Africa is falling further behind, receiving only 17% of total electricity finance. Clean cooking finance is described as 'abysmally low', dropping 5% to USD 30 million in 2015-16, representing a tiny fraction of the USD 4.4 billion annual need. The report highlights India as a 'bright spot' due to strong domestic private investment in renewables and Indonesia for its use of government subsidies to accelerate LPG adoption.

The report highlights a critical lack of aggregate global data to measure progress in reducing deforestation caused by basic needs. It uses the distribution of clean cookstoves and related funding as proxy indicators, noting that while annual distributions reached approximately 20 million, the number of stoves meeting clean and efficient standards declined from nearly 15 million in 2014 to 13 million in 2015. Financial support also showed a downward trend between 2012 and 2015, with Official Development Assistance (ODA) for fuelwood dropping from USD 81 million to USD 3.2 million and carbon offset transactions falling from USD 65 million to USD 15 million.

The assessment finds that while over USD 4.1 billion has been committed to results-based REDD+ payments, disbursements remain limited and concentrated, primarily in Brazil. It highlights the emergence of jurisdictional-sourcing initiatives across Asia, Latin America, and Africa as a promising mechanism to scale zero-deforestation commitments, though private resource flows remain small.

Ethiopia is piloting the Comprehensive Refugee Response Framework (CRRF) to move away from a camp-based refugee model toward socio-economic integration. While the reform promises expanded access to work permits, education, and civil documentation, it faces significant hurdles including low industrial wages, coordination gaps between government agencies, and ethnic tensions in regions like Gambella. The document recommends a conflict-sensitive approach, a national minimum wage, and increased start-up capital for refugee entrepreneurs to ensure sustainable self-reliance.

Nepal is currently in the formulation phase of its National Adaptation Plan (NAP), utilizing an integrated, multidisciplinary approach across seven thematic areas and two cross-cutting issues. The process emphasizes inclusivity, stakeholder engagement, and scientific rigor, building upon previous frameworks like the National Adaptation Programme of Action (NAPA) and Local Adaptation Plans for Action (LAPA). Key challenges include aligning the NAP with ongoing government restructuring and ensuring meaningful participation of marginalized groups. Future priorities focus on engaging provincial and local governments, developing a formal NAP framework, synthesizing local vulnerability data, and creating a comprehensive financing strategy to transition from planning to implementation.

The NAP Global Network provided technical assistance to over 30 countries between November 2017 and November 2018, focusing on seven key themes including financing, gender, and monitoring and evaluation. The Network facilitated peer learning through Targeted Topics Forums and South-South exchanges, and worked to align bilateral donor support with national priorities, notably through a Donor Symposium in Barbados.

The report analyzes the climate-security nexus in the Eastern Mediterranean, identifying the region as a climate change hotspot where rising temperatures and water scarcity interact with fragile political structures. It highlights risks including domestic resource competition, potential conflicts over the Nile, Euphrates, and Tigris rivers, and increased migration toward Europe. The author argues that while conventional security threats currently dominate government agendas, the economic and physical impacts of climate change could trigger social unrest and regional instability. The report recommends increasing the visibility of economic risks to leaders and utilizing 'variable geometry' cooperation—combining inter-governmental frameworks like the Barcelona Convention with city-to-city and civil society networks—to foster regional adaptation.

The report finds that while electricity access finance in 20 high-impact countries increased to USD 30.2 billion per year in 2015-16, it remains far below the USD 52 billion needed annually for universal access by 2030. Investment is heavily skewed toward non-residential consumers and grid-connected technologies, including a doubling of fossil fuel investments to USD 8 billion. Clean cooking finance has decreased to USD 30 million per year, a fraction of the USD 4.4 billion required. Geographically, finance is concentrated in a few countries, with Sub-Saharan Africa falling further behind despite having the highest need.

The world is not on track to meet SDG7 by 2030, with progress falling short across all four targets. While electricity access is accelerating in sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia, and renewable energy is growing in the electricity sector, access to clean cooking remains the most lagging area. Energy efficiency is improving, particularly in the industrial sector, though the rate of improvement is below the target required to double the global rate by 2030.

The report analyzes electricity access in 20 high-deficit countries by comparing government reports, utility data, household surveys, and solar sales. It consistently finds that household consumption (wealth) is a stronger driver of access disparity than gender, although specific national patterns vary. In many cases, significant gaps exist between formal utility connection rates and household survey results, often attributed to off-grid solutions, informal connections, or self-supply methods like diesel generators.

The GCF Board's 18th meeting in Cairo focused on operationalizing the fund's implementation phase. Key outcomes include the approval of multiple funding proposals across various regions, the accreditation of five new entities, and the adoption of a Simplified Approval Process (SAP) pilot for small-scale activities. The Board also approved a new Anti-Money Laundering and Countering the Financing of Terrorism Policy and a revised administrative budget and staffing target of 250 employees for 2018. However, consensus was not reached on a risk management framework or the selection process for a Permanent Trustee.

The document examines Ethiopia's efforts to expand rural energy access through solar technologies under the Growth and Transformation Plan (GTP II). While solar lantern adoption has grown, the brief identifies significant systemic barriers—including fragmented import processes, foreign exchange shortages, and a lack of clear grid expansion plans—that hinder private sector investment and the deployment of higher-capacity systems like solar home systems and micro-grids. It recommends streamlining customs through 'Green Line' declarations, incentivizing local manufacturing, and promoting affordable financing models such as pay-as-you-go to achieve the target of increasing energy access for up to 4 million households by 2020.

The report analyzes the ramifications of the EU's January 2016 decision to reduce AMISOM peacekeeper allowances by 20%, from US$1,028 to US$822 per month. This move triggered a rift between the African Union (AU), troop-contributing countries (TCCs), and donors, while accelerating the development of a concrete exit strategy for the mission. The EU's decision was driven by donor fatigue, shifting priorities toward the Sahel region, and internal regulations regarding the use of the African Peace Facility. TCCs, particularly Uganda and Kenya, initially threatened withdrawal, though national security interests and the desire for regional stability largely prevailed. The report highlights a critical gap between donor expectations for AMISOM to 'do more' against al-Shabaab and the TCCs' claims of severe under-resourcing and a lack of local Somali security capacity to hold liberated territory.