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The European Investment Bank (EIB) is requesting USD 265 million from the Green Climate Fund (GCF)—USD 250 million for an investment vehicle and USD 15 million for a technical assistance facility—to launch GEEREF NeXt. Structured as a fund-of-funds, the programme aims for a total size of USD 750 million, blending GCF public seed capital with USD 500 million in private sector finance. The programme targets the development, construction, and operation of renewable energy (RE) and energy efficiency (EE) projects in emerging markets, expecting to finance over 200 projects and add up to 18 GW of clean energy capacity. By using a two-tier capital structure with a 'first-loss' mechanism for public capital, GEEREF NeXt intends to mitigate risk for private investors and achieve a projected 50x multiplier, potentially mobilising USD 30 billion in total project financing. The programme will be managed by the EIB Group, leveraging the experience of its predecessor, the Global Energy Efficiency and Renewable Energy Fund (GEEREF).

The document analyzes electoral trends in Africa between 2015 and early 2016, identifying four negative trends: constitutional alterations to extend term limits, manipulation of electoral calendars, harassment of opposition candidates, and low voter turnout. It highlights a gap between the existence of continental democratic frameworks, such as the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG), and the political will of governing elites to implement them. The authors recommend structural reforms, respect for electoral calendars, and the adoption of social media codes of conduct to protect freedom of expression.

The research finds that economic growth is the strongest driver of reduced international migration, while there is no discernible direct relationship between hunger levels or agricultural productivity alone and migration flows. The authors argue that to reduce migration, investments must move beyond farm-level productivity to create broader economic opportunities and off-farm activities in rural areas.

The document analyzes Ethiopia's rapid economic growth and human development progress since 1991, while highlighting persistent gaps in basic service access and agricultural productivity. Using the International Futures (IFs) forecasting system, it compares a 'Current Path' forecast against various intervention scenarios, concluding that an integrated approach across agriculture, education, health, and governance is necessary to reach lower-middle-income status by 2025.

The document forecasts that Africa's population will grow to over 1.8 billion by 2035, potentially compounding poverty if economic growth and job creation do not keep pace. While economic growth is expected, it will be heterogeneous, with oil-dependent nations remaining vulnerable to price shocks. The region faces significant infrastructure gaps, particularly in electricity and water, and rapid urbanisation that may increase social instability. Despite a rise in riots and protests, high-fatality violence is lower than in the 1990s. Popular support for democracy remains strong, although actual democratic governance remains fragile and limited in scope.

The paper argues that effective governance is a primary determinant of poverty reduction in Africa. Using the International Futures (IFs) forecasting system, it demonstrates that improving governance effectiveness (aligned with SDG 16.6) would lift more than 60 million people out of poverty by 2050, outperforming other targeted health and sanitation interventions.

The document analyzes the state of democracy in Africa, arguing that while electoral democracy has increased since 1989, it is often constrained by neopatrimonialism and a lack of governance capacity. It explores the 'sequencing debate' regarding whether democracy precedes or follows economic development, noting that while authoritarian models have sometimes delivered rapid growth, long-term human development is robustly linked to high-quality electoral democracy. Using the International Futures (IFs) system, the author forecasts that a 'Fourth Wave' of democracy could significantly increase Africa's GDP and reduce extreme poverty by 2070 compared to an 'Authoritarian Regress' scenario.

The report examines African election trends in 2016, noting that while multi-party elections are now standard, many processes are undermined by 'constitutional coups', the removal of term limits, and electoral irregularities. It details specific cases of instability and incumbent persistence in countries like the Central African Republic, Uganda, and the Republic of Congo, while contrasting these with more stable prospects in South Africa and Ghana.

African civil society representatives condemn the sudden cancellation of the 2nd Extraordinary Summit of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) scheduled for September 2015 in Nairobi. They highlight critical failures within the APRM, including a lack of leadership since 2008, financial instability due to member state arrears, and a stagnation in the production of Country Review Reports. The statement urges the APRM Forum Chairperson to reconvene the summit to fill vacant leadership roles, reform funding mechanisms, and increase civil society engagement.

The report evaluates the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) and its peace and security architecture, specifically the Central African Early Warning Mechanism (MARAC) and the Central African Multinational Force (FOMAC). It finds a significant gap between the organization's ambitions and its operational reality, noting that conflict prevention is hampered by a highly centralized, state-focused structure and a narrow military approach to security. The document highlights critical regional threats, including the Boko Haram insurgency, maritime insecurity in the Gulf of Guinea, and the instability in the Central African Republic (CAR). It concludes that ECCAS lacks a credible regional lead nation and a shared vision, remaining heavily dependent on external funding, primarily from the European Union, which undermines regional ownership of the peace and security process.

The policy brief examines the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), noting that 35 of 54 African Union (AU) states have voluntarily joined. It argues against making membership mandatory, asserting that the process relies on the political will and openness of participating states to produce credible reports. The author highlights that more open societies are more likely to complete reviews and that mandatory accession would likely introduce non-credible, manipulated reviews from closed societies, thereby damaging the APRM's reputation. The brief recommends focusing on consolidating the system among committed members and addressing the APRM's financial and administrative shortcomings.

The document examines the evolution of African continental court structures, focusing on the 2014 Malabo Protocol. It argues that the protocol's creation of an 'Expanded Court' with jurisdiction over 14 international crimes is undermined by Article 46 A bis, which grants immunity to serving heads of state and senior government officials. The author contends this is a response to the perceived bias of the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the use of universal jurisdiction by European states, ultimately serving to protect political elites rather than victims of human rights violations.

The document argues that while foreign policy is primarily an executive function, South Africa's constitutional mandate for the rule of law makes it susceptible to judicial review. It details how civil society organizations, such as the Southern Africa Litigation Centre (SALC), have used actual and threatened litigation to challenge government decisions regarding torture in Zimbabwe, the appointment of a Sri Lankan diplomat, and the visit of Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir. The author notes that while courts are effective when international criminal law obligations are domesticated, they are less equipped to challenge broader political decisions. The paper also highlights a similar trend in Kenya, where courts ordered an arrest warrant for al-Bashir.

The research paper assesses the 2014 US-Africa Summit and the 'US strategy toward Sub-Saharan Africa', arguing that while economic growth in Africa is rising, democratic governance remains a 'chronic twin-deficit' alongside peace and security. It notes that the rise of emerging powers like China, which saw trade with Africa grow from 'US$3 billion in 2002 to around US$192 billion in 2012', has provided African states with financial alternatives that may 'corrosive impact on the pace of the democratisation agenda'. The author suggests the US should move beyond supporting 'minimalist electoral outcomes' and instead support the African Union's African Peer Review Mechanism and African Governance Architecture to foster robust, accountable institutions.

The report identifies diverse strategies used by developing countries to protect tropical forests, ranging from national-scale policies in Brazil and India to community-led projects in Madagascar and Kenya. It highlights the effectiveness of REDD+ programs, payments for ecosystem services (PES), and governance reforms, while noting that success is often linked to broader socioeconomic development and the use of remote sensing technology for enforcement.

This briefing note details a vulnerability assessment conducted between 2011 and 2012 in the Monte Alén–Monts de Cristal landscape as part of the COBAM project. The analysis highlights how climate variability, specifically unpredictable rainfall and temperature increases, negatively impacts agricultural production and food security, with female-headed households and those lacking young labor being the most vulnerable social groups.

The assessment identifies that the village of Atom is highly vulnerable due to a combination of unpredictable rainfall, forest degradation, and a lack of alternative livelihoods. While traditional shifting cultivation provides some flexibility, the loss of labor due to urban migration and restrictions on hunting in protected areas have weakened local resilience. The document recommends implementing climate-smart agriculture and improving market linkages to enhance food security and adaptive capacity.

The document examines how China uses state-owned media (Xinhua, CCTV, CRI) to challenge Western information monopolies and improve its international image in Africa. It traces the shift from Cold War ideological support to modern infrastructural assistance and commercial content delivery, while analyzing the challenges posed by African media market diversity and perceptions of Chinese censorship.

The document analyzes the International Bar Association's Model Mining Development Agreement (MMDA 1.0), providing a template and narrative to ensure mining contracts promote sustainable development, transparency, and equitable resource distribution. It details key contractual areas including land tenure, royalties, taxation, and community obligations, while emphasizing the use of international standards like the IFC Performance Standards and EITI. Additionally, the report investigates the existence of similar model agreements for the oil and gas sector, concluding that no internationally accepted model currently exists despite the availability of various national form contracts.

The 18th AU Summit focused on electing the rotating AU Chair and AU Commission leadership, approving the 2012 budget, and inaugurating a new headquarters building funded by China. The document highlights significant managerial failures within the AU Commission, including a 48% vacancy rate for staff posts and low budget utilization in certain departments.