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The analysis examines how US universal and sectoral tariffs affect Latin American countries, noting that while Mexico and Central American nations face higher effective tariff rates, South American nations are more vulnerable to indirect shocks from China. It highlights that China's ability to implement counter-cyclical fiscal and monetary policies to mitigate US tariff impacts will determine the stability of commodity prices and growth in South America.

The Trade Knowledge Network (TKN), launched in 1997 and coordinated by the International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD), works to build long-term capacity to incorporate sustainable development into national, bilateral, regional, and multilateral trade policies. Its primary objectives include producing country- and region-specific research, engaging trade policy-makers, building the capacity of partner organizations through training and cooperative research, and facilitating the global exchange of best practices. The network comprises partners across various developing and developed nations, including organizations in Argentina, Chile, China, India, Bangladesh, Costa Rica, Canada, Vietnam, Mexico, El Salvador, the USA, Pakistan, and South Africa, with funding support from entities such as the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC).

This report provides a spatial analysis of disaster incidence in Central America and the Dominican Republic between 1950 and 2020. It identifies that hydrometeorological events, specifically floods and landslides, are the most recurrent threats, often coinciding with high-density urban areas and coastal zones. The study highlights a significant increase in recorded disasters since 1990, peaking in 2010. It further correlates disaster risk with physical variables, noting that 70.7% of records occur below 1,000 meters above sea level and that a high percentage of critical territories are located in areas with medium to high population density. The analysis also observes a decline in forest cover and an increase in pasture land from 1990 to 2018, linking these land-use changes to increased disaster vulnerability.

The study analyzes 285 conflict episodes to determine how natural resources affect the duration of postconflict peace. It identifies three primary mechanisms: distribution, financing, and aggravation. The findings indicate that while natural resource conflicts generally show shorter peace periods bivariately, only conflicts driven by disagreements over the distribution of resources and revenues significantly increase the risk of recurrence in a multivariate analysis. This suggests that resource-related grievances are a more persistent driver of conflict relapse than the mere opportunity to finance warfare.

The authors argue that non-violent direct action is more effective at undermining autocracies and significantly more likely to lead to democratic transitions than violent conflict. Using a multinomial logit model for the period 1900-2004, the study finds that non-violent campaigns substantially increase the probability of democratization, particularly when the state has a high proportion of democratic neighbors. Conversely, violent direct action is less effective at destabilizing regimes overall and makes transitions to new autocracies relatively more likely. The research suggests that non-violence promotes power dispersion and elite defection, whereas violence tends to centralize power and justify further repression.

The author argues that the existing theory of 'violent pluralism' ignores the gendered nature of political violence in Latin America. By analyzing internally displaced women's organizations in Colombia and high-profile murders of activists in Brazil, El Salvador, Honduras, and Mexico, the paper identifies a three-pronged relationship: gendered violence as an obstacle to organizing, organizing as a response to violence, and organizing as a cause of further violence. The author highlights how states often 'privatize' the deaths of women activists by framing them as domestic or criminal rather than political.

The author examines the challenges of gathering data on sexual violence in war, noting that it is often used as a political tool to demoralize enemies and reinforce masculinity. The text highlights historical examples from Nanking, Berlin, Rwanda, and Bosnia to illustrate the systemic nature of these crimes. It argues that current data collection is hindered by victim stigma, lack of uniform definitions, and poor baseline data. To move from 'overview to insight,' the author suggests that researchers must analyze how sexual violence interacts with national and gender identities, noting that victims who view themselves as 'ethnic victims' often find more social support than those who view themselves as 'female victims.'

The authors present the Non-State Actors (NSA) in Civil Wars dataset, covering internal armed conflicts from 1945 to 2011. The dataset shifts the unit of analysis from country-years to state-rebel group dyad spells, allowing researchers to examine the specific characteristics of opposition forces rather than just macro-level state variables. Key indicators include rebel strength relative to the government, territorial control, organizational structure (such as the presence of political wings), and external support from states or non-state actors. Descriptive statistics from the dataset show that while over 85% of rebel groups are weaker than their governments, nearly half are at least equal in their specific capacities to mobilize support, procure arms, and fight. The dataset is designed to be compatible with the Uppsala Conflict Data Project (UCDP) Dyadic Dataset to facilitate data aggregation across different research projects.

The document argues that rebel groups provide a unique 'laboratory' for understanding governance because they operate outside the Westphalian state system. It examines how rebels implement rule-making, enforcement, and service provision, and how these activities relate to their legitimacy and capacity. The authors propose a multi-dimensional framework for rebel capacity—military, economic, personnel, administrative, and social—and argue that territorial control is not always a prerequisite for governance. By comparing rebel and state behaviors, the paper suggests that governance is often multi-layered and that the relationship between territorial control and legitimacy is complex and non-linear.

The document examines how ethno-national diasporas influence civil wars through financial contributions, military and political involvement, and international advocacy. It analyzes the dual nature of this influence, noting that while diaspora resources can prolong conflict by sustaining armed groups and hardening political stances, they also offer significant potential for peace through post-conflict reconstruction, the provision of skilled personnel for new institutions, and the promotion of human rights discourses.

The research paper analyzes the strategic motivations for terrorism in civil wars using a new dataset linking the Uppsala/PRIO Armed Conflict Data and the Global Terrorism Database. It argues that terrorism serves to coerce governments and communicate resolve, particularly for militarily weaker groups. The study finds that the frequency of attacks increases with government repression and press freedom. Furthermore, it identifies a correlation between group ideology and targeting: groups with universalist ideologies (e.g., Marxist-socialist) predominantly target 'hard' official targets, while those with sectarian or religious ideologies are more likely to target 'soft' civilian targets due to stronger 'othering' of out-groups.

The document analyzes the implementation of the 2030 Agenda in 13 Latin American countries, focusing on mainstreaming SDGs into national policies, operationalization, and social ownership. While most countries found aligning national priorities with SDGs relatively simple, they face significant hurdles in cross-sectoral coordination, long-term budgetary guarantees, and the inclusion of subnational governments and civil society. The report highlights diverse national strategies, ranging from Colombia's integration of SDGs into its national development plan to Mexico's alignment of over 400 budget indicators with SDG targets.

The report examines the impact of improved cookstoves in Central America, noting that while many stoves reduce emissions, they often fail to meet WHO air quality guidelines for personal exposure. It identifies user-centered design, training, and financing as critical for adoption, while highlighting a lack of longitudinal data on sustained use.

The report argues that the United States can significantly reduce its reliance on fossil fuels by deploying a diverse mix of renewable energy sources, which have the technical potential to meet current electricity needs many times over. It highlights wind, solar, geothermal, bioenergy, and hydropower as key resources, noting that wind and geothermal are already competitive with new coal and natural gas plants in some cases. The document identifies critical barriers to this transition, including the need for a modernized transmission grid, streamlined siting processes, and sustainable biomass harvesting. It proposes a policy package featuring a national renewable electricity standard (RES) ramping up to 40% by 2030, extended tax credits, and increased R&D funding. While discussing carbon capture and storage (CCS) and advanced nuclear power as potential low-carbon supplements, the report notes significant cost uncertainties, infrastructure requirements, and safety risks associated with these technologies.

The guide argues that freedom of expression alone is insufficient because it often privileges those with the most power and resources. It proposes a broader concept of 'communication rights' based on four pillars: public communication spaces, the free exchange of knowledge, the protection of dignity and security, and the preservation of cultural and linguistic diversity. The text highlights how global trends—such as media concentration by corporations, restrictive copyright laws, and state surveillance—undermine these rights, particularly for marginalized groups in the Global South.

The document outlines the concept of communication rights, distinguishing them from the narrower 'freedom of expression' by emphasizing the need for structural conditions that allow all individuals to be heard. It identifies four pillars of communication rights: the need for public spaces and resources, the free exchange of knowledge, the protection of dignity and security, and the promotion of cultural and linguistic diversity. The guide warns that global neoliberal capitalism and the concentration of media ownership threaten these rights, leading to cultural homogenization and the marginalization of poor or minority populations.

The document introduces 'Mapping Together', a guide for using the open-source tool Collect Earth to track biophysical restoration goals. It details a process involving local stakeholders to monitor land use, tree cover, and spatial patterns. The guide provides four case studies from El Salvador, Ethiopia, India, and Rwanda to demonstrate how governments identify restoration opportunities and track progress toward forest cover targets, and outlines an 8-step methodology for implementing mapathons.

Initiative 20x20 is a regional partnership in Latin America and the Caribbean designed to restore degraded landscapes through reforestation, agroforestry, and silvopasture. The initiative has surpassed its initial goal of 20 million hectares and has earmarked US$2.4 billion for project financing. The program addresses the fact that at least 200 million hectares of land in the region are severely degraded and that 49% of regional emissions stem from land-use change, forestry, and agriculture.

This World Resources Institute working paper reports on three workshops held in Asia, Africa, and Latin America to identify challenges developing countries face in monitoring and tracking climate finance. It details nine primary technical, political, and capacity barriers, ranging from inconsistent definitions and lack of institutional coordination to the limited transparency of development partners and the difficulty of tracking private financial data.