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The document analyzes how biophysical climate impacts and international trade shifts threaten employment in South Africa's chemicals sub-sector, while identifying job creation potential through mitigation and adaptation interventions.

The document examines the evolution of 'Technology for Accountability' (T4A) in South Africa, moving from early open data portals to civic technology apps, and finally to the 'accountability stack' approach. It argues that technology is merely a 'pipe' and not a driver of change itself; instead, sustainable impact requires partnering with civil society organisations (CSOs) and journalists to ensure data is used to solve human problems. The author highlights several South African tools—such as Wazimap and Municipal Money—and recommends that T4A projects be framed by the resolution of a person's problem rather than the delivery of a technical tool.

The policy brief examines how domestic xenophobia contradicts South Africa's 'diplomacy of ubuntu' and its aspirations for African leadership. It highlights specific incidents of violence and government failures, suggesting that South Africa must address the root causes of intolerance domestically and regionalise its policy responses to reclaim its international standing.

South Africa faces a severe water crisis driven by climate change, population growth, and crumbling infrastructure. The report argues that the country must shift its focus from building new infrastructure to managing demand through water efficiency. Key opportunities for savings include improving agricultural irrigation (30-40%), reducing municipal leaks and household waste (12-30%), and increasing industrial efficiency. The document emphasizes the role of the business community in disclosing water use and investing in water-saving technologies to avoid economic instability and social unrest.

The project 'Public, Private, People Partnerships for Climate Compatible Development' (4PCCD) focused on the Chamanculo C neighbourhood in Maputo to test participatory planning methods. By establishing a community-led Climate Planning Committee (CPC), the project enabled residents to integrate climate concerns with local development priorities, such as drainage and waste management. The findings suggest that local citizens are eager to engage in climate action and that participatory methods can bridge the gap between technical climate information and the lived experience of vulnerable urban populations.

The report details strategies for achieving political commitment to National Adaptation Plans (NAPs) and explores various pathways for integrating adaptation into sectoral policies. It emphasizes the necessity of strong in-country coordination, the use of clear narratives to engage powerful ministries, and the role of south-south cooperation in building technical capacity.

The report details strategies for achieving political commitment and sectoral integration in National Adaptation Plan (NAP) processes, based on a workshop with representatives from 14 countries. It identifies three dimensions of political support—expressed, institutional, and budgetary—and proposes framing adaptation as complementary to existing development goals to avoid 'initiative overload'. The document outlines a spectrum of integration approaches, ranging from sector-driven to nationally-driven, and emphasizes the necessity of strong in-country coordination and south-south cooperation to ensure climate-resilient development.

Natural Justice condemns the recurrence of xenophobic violence in South Africa, specifically citing attacks in the KwaZulu-Natal Province and other cities that resulted in deaths, injuries, and displacement.

The SAIIA Youth Policy Committee condemns xenophobic violence in South Africa, emphasizing the historical support provided by other African nations during the apartheid era. The committee calls for a national discussion to address the causes of xenophobia and urges government and local leaders to employ political will and grassroots engagement to stop the violence.

The statement criticizes the South African government for granting air quality standard postponements to Eskom, Sasol, and Engen on 24 February 2014. It asserts that these postponements effectively legalize toxic air, contradicting Section 24 of the constitution and a 1995 promise by President Mandela. The document highlights the severe health impacts of Eskom's pollution, estimating 20,000 premature deaths and an economic cost of R230 billion, while arguing that industries have had sufficient time since 2004 to implement pollution control technologies.

The document analyzes the evolution of South Africa's foreign economic policy since 1994, noting a shift from a normative, idealistic approach toward a strategy focused on non-Western relations and economic diplomacy. It identifies three main pillars of engagement: the WTO, the G-20, and BRICS. While South Africa uses these platforms to advocate for developing countries and African interests, the authors argue that the country lacks a clearly defined economic diplomacy strategy grounded in its domestic development framework. The brief highlights the BRICS New Development Bank as a key tool for African infrastructure and suggests that South Africa must improve institutional coordination and business collaboration to maximize the benefits of its international engagements.

The document outlines the strategic priorities of the Pan-African Parliament (PAP) for the 2015 Paris climate agreement, emphasizing the need for equity, adaptation, and financial support. It details the role of Intended Nationally Determined Contributions (INDCs) and the challenges of closing the 'ambition gap' to limit global warming to 2°C. The briefing highlights the importance of the Common But Differentiated Responsibilities (CBDR) principle and the necessity of developed countries fulfilling their 100 billion USD annual climate finance pledge by 2020.

The Centre for Environmental Rights (CER) reports that PAIA is poorly implemented in South Africa, with public bodies frequently refusing environmental information requests by citing the protection of third-party commercial interests. While some departments like the DEA show consistency, others like the DMR and various municipalities exhibit high refusal rates and poor response times. The report highlights a specific lack of transparency regarding oil refinery atmospheric emission licences and details litigation used to compel the disclosure of environmental records from corporate polluters.

The policy brief argues that while South Africa is the only permanent African member of the G-20, the current system of inviting the AU chair and a NEPAD representative is insufficient due to high rotation and a lack of formal coordination. It highlights that G-20 agendas on infrastructure, tax reform, and sustainable development financing directly impact Africa's development goals, such as Agenda 2063. To address capacity gaps, the authors recommend establishing a coordinating secretariat within the AU Commission, drawing on the successful model used for the 2011 Busan Forum on Aid Effectiveness and South Africa's 2013 BRICS outreach to African countries.

The document highlights a drastic increase in unauthorized sand mining in South Africa's rivers and estuaries, driven by low entry barriers and high demand from the construction industry. In the eThekwini jurisdiction, sand extraction rates exceed natural replenishment, leading to riverbank erosion, sinking water tables, and the denudation of beaches. The author argues that current governance is hampered by weak enforcement, insufficient capacity of Environmental Management Inspectors (EMIs), and regulatory ambiguity between the Department of Mineral Resources (DMR) and environmental authorities. The brief recommends halting riparian and estuarine mining in favor of sustainable alternatives and enhancing the capacity of national and provincial authorities to enforce Environmental Management Plans (EMPs).

The document analyzes the complex relationship between China and Zimbabwe between 2003 and 2013. It argues that the partnership is rooted in China's support for ZANU during the liberation war and has evolved into a strategic alliance where Zimbabwe uses Chinese economic and diplomatic backing to weather Western sanctions. The paper details extensive Chinese investments in mining (particularly diamonds), agriculture, telecommunications, and infrastructure, while noting significant domestic opposition in Zimbabwe due to allegations of human rights abuses, environmental neglect, and the stifling of local businesses. It also explores China's role in shielding Zimbabwe from UN Security Council sanctions and its tactical engagement with the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).

The Centre for Environmental Rights (CER), representing several environmental justice organisations, submitted comments on 21 February 2014 regarding the Draft National Atmospheric Emissions Inventory System (NAEIS) Reporting Regulations. The submission primarily argues that the draft regulations fail to ensure adequate public access to atmospheric emission data and provides recommendations to align the regulations with constitutional rights to information and a healthy environment.

The document outlines that Africa is experiencing significant warming and increased extreme weather, which threatens food security, health, and economic growth. It argues that while Africa has contributed little to historic emissions, it is highly vulnerable and must integrate adaptation and mitigation into long-term development planning. Key opportunities for the region include adopting decentralized renewable energy, implementing conservation agriculture, and planning low-carbon urban growth to avoid fossil fuel lock-in.

The document examines how international offset mechanisms, which typically provide no net atmospheric benefit, could be designed to deliver a net decrease in greenhouse gas emissions. It identifies the need for certain additionality, surplus reductions, the avoidance of double counting, and the exclusion of surplus reductions from host country pledges to achieve a net atmospheric benefit.

The 2013 BRICS Youth Communiqué outlines a series of recommendations for the proposed BRICS Development Bank (BDB), advocating for an independent institution that is inclusive of all member nations regardless of financial status. The youth propose locating the bank in either Shanghai, China, or South Africa, utilizing the Chinese Renminbi (Yuan) as the primary currency, and establishing branches in each member state. The communiqué emphasizes a focus on the developing world, suggesting a phased approach starting with pilot projects within BRICS nations and the creation of a dedicated youth programme funding area for education and employment.