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The document examines the rise of unsolicited proposals (USPs) in infrastructure, where private entities initiate projects rather than governments. It highlights risks such as lack of transparency, corruption, and the avoidance of competition. Drawing on a PPIAF report, it recommends that governments adopt formal frameworks—including competitive bidding mechanisms like 'Swiss challenges'—to mitigate these risks. The author further argues that USPs can distract from sustainable public procurement (SPP) by bypassing critical needs analyses and straining limited public sector capacity to manage long-term asset life cycles.

Indonesia's draft INDC proposes an unconditional 29% emissions reduction by 2030, rising to 41% with international assistance. The World Resources Institute identifies gaps in transparency and ambition, specifically urging the government to publish its business-as-usual (BAU) baseline, increase its unconditional target, and include quantitative carbon stock targets for the land sector to address the fact that nearly 55% of its emissions stem from deforestation and peatland destruction.

The CAMA project combined weADAPT's semantic tagging with Gephi visualization software to analyze the landscape of climate adaptation. By mapping relationships between organizations, keywords, and geography, the project identified 'hot topics', research gaps, and the role of bridging networks like SUMERNET in Southeast Asia. The analysis demonstrated how ICT tools can reveal patterns in complex datasets to inform strategic planning and identify potential collaborations for the Stockholm Environment Institute (SEI) in Africa and Asia.

The document examines the revival of the Indian Ocean as a commercial and geo-strategic hub, driven by the strategic visions of China, India, and Indonesia. It details China's 'maritime Silk Road', India's focus on security and the 'cotton route', and Indonesia's 'global maritime fulcrum'. The brief highlights South Africa's 'Operation Phakisa' and its goal to expand its blue economy. It concludes that Africa must coordinate its maritime strategies through the AU and IORA to avoid further militarisation and to leverage economic opportunities from these emerging power strategies.

The Olkaria III project, a 110 MW binary geothermal plant, is the first privately funded geothermal project in Africa. It succeeded by utilizing a phased expansion strategy and a mix of public and private financing. Key enablers included the Kenyan government's provision of exploratory data and wells, a 20-year power purchase agreement (PPA) with USD-pegged tariffs, and long-term, low-cost debt from Development Finance Institutions (DFIs). The project achieved a levelized cost of electricity (LCOE) 13% lower than the average for similar Kenyan projects, demonstrating that public-private models can be more cost-effective than purely public ones.

The document examines the tensions between humanitarian protection and the push for the return of refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs), particularly in Somalia. It argues that return programming often relies on a flawed 'sedentary bias' and ignores the critical role of social networks and the reality of ongoing conflict. The authors warn that shifting aid from regional camps to unstable areas like south-central Somalia may serve state migration management interests rather than humanitarian needs, potentially increasing risks for returnees in environments of impunity.

The document argues that ethanol has high potential as a cooking fuel in Ethiopia, particularly in urban areas, but requires regulatory reform and stronger government commitment to attract private sector investment and overcome barriers like kerosene subsidies.

Friends of the Earth International and its signatories critique the Lima Conference for producing weak pre-2020 mitigation pledges and failing to secure binding commitments on finance, adaptation, and loss and damage. The statement asserts that the outcome shifts responsibility to the Global South, protects polluting corporations, and risks expanding carbon markets at the expense of land rights. It calls for a systemic transformation away from fossil fuels toward community-controlled renewable energy and agro-ecological solutions.

The document analyzes the African Group's engagement at the UN Human Rights Council, noting a tension between a desire for regional leadership and a tendency to grant accused governments veto power over resolutions. While some 'human rights-friendly' states consistently support country-specific resolutions, others systematically abstain or oppose them, leading to an uneven response to crises across the continent and globally.

The document examines Ethiopia's foreign policy under the EPRDF-led government, specifically the Foreign Affairs and National Security Policy and Strategy (FANSPS). It highlights Ethiopia's dominant role in regional peace and security, particularly through IGAD and UN/AU peacekeeping missions, while critiquing the mismatch between this strategic prominence and the allocation of diplomatic and financial resources. The author argues that Ethiopia's focus on internal stability and security has led to a 'sluggish' approach to economic diplomacy and regional integration.

This research paper analyzes the potential costs and benefits for Ethiopia of joining the COMESA Free Trade Area (FTA). It finds that Ethiopia's infant manufacturing sector is not yet competitive and that joining the FTA could increase net unemployment. However, it notes that Ethiopia is successfully expanding economic cooperation in energy and transport with neighbors such as Kenya, Sudan, Djibouti, and South Sudan, suggesting that bilateral relations may be more beneficial than formal trade liberalization.

The paper examines Ethiopia's position regarding the COMESA FTA, concluding that while trade liberalisation could increase general welfare through cheaper imports, it poses significant risks to Ethiopia's infant manufacturing sector, potentially leading to job losses and revenue reductions. It highlights that Ethiopia is pursuing regional integration through bilateral infrastructure and energy projects—such as the LAPSSET Corridor and hydropower exports—rather than formal trade liberalisation.

The paper analyzes the funding of African governance institutions, such as anti-corruption commissions and the APRM, and processes like constitutional reform and the EITI. It argues that while government funding is ideal for ensuring national ownership, a mix of donor and state funds is common. The author highlights that funding can be used as a reward for good governance (e.g., US Millennium Challenge Account) or as a tool for donor control (e.g., EU funding of PEFA). The document concludes that mitigating external influence requires a combination of self-assessment processes, adherence to continental or global standards, and the mainstreaming of governance actions into national budgets.

The document examines the oil industry in South Sudan following the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement and the country's 2011 independence. It argues that oil revenues have been mismanaged by political elites, leading to endemic corruption and a failure to provide basic services to a population where 90% earn less than a dollar a day. The paper details the economic crisis caused by the January 2012 oil production shutdown, the subsequent austerity measures, and the diplomatic pressure from the US and China that led to the resumption of oil flow in 2013.

The report examines the successful conclusion of Somalia's third transitional arrangement on 20 August 2012. It details the roadmap's four priority tasks—security stabilization, constitutional adoption, reconciliation, and good governance—and the role of the Technical Selection Committee (TSC) in nominating parliament members. Key success factors included international unity, clear task sequencing, and the political maturity of the outgoing leadership. However, the process faced challenges such as bribery, the marginalization of women, and perceptions of international interference. The author argues that sustaining peace requires investing in human resources, resolving constitutional ambiguities regarding sharia and federalism, and better synchronizing AU and UN operations.

The policy briefing addresses the declining momentum of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and its National Programmes of Action (NPOA). It identifies causes for this decline, such as lack of interest from heads of state and insufficient financial support, and proposes reviving the process by integrating NPOA into National Developmental Plans (NDPs) and collaborating with African Union organs and regional economic communities.

The document examines the evolving relationship between France and Senegal, highlighting a shift from exclusive ties to a more diversified partnership under President Abdoulaye Wade. While France remains the primary economic partner and donor, the paper details periods of diplomatic tension, the reduction of French military presence, and a renewed cordiality following the 2012 elections of Macky Sall and François Hollande.

The document describes a planned conference, 'The APRM +10: Reviewing a Decade of Peer Learning and Projecting a Future of Governance in Africa', to be held in Addis Ababa in May 2013. It seeks to evaluate the APRM's progress since its 2003 establishment, specifically focusing on the implementation of National Programmes of Action (NPoAs) and the role of civil society in holding member states accountable. The briefing highlights the tension between the voluntary nature of the APRM and the compulsory nature of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG), while calling for better synergies between the APRM and other AU organs, such as the Pan African Parliament and the Peace and Security Commission.

Kenya is highly vulnerable to climate risks, particularly droughts and floods, which create a long-term fiscal liability estimated at 2.0 to 2.4 per cent of GDP annually. The report identifies critical dependencies in the agricultural, water, and energy sectors, noting that 98 per cent of crop production is rain-fed and over half of electricity is generated by hydropower. While the government has established frameworks like Vision 2030 and the National Climate Change Response Strategy, the report finds that disaster risk management remains largely reactive and uncoordinated, with significant capacity gaps at the subnational level. It recommends deeper research into sector-specific vulnerabilities, the 'climate proofing' of infrastructure and budgets, and the integration of gender-disaggregated data into planning.

The document highlights Ethiopia's significant investment in infrastructure, spending $1.3 billion annually (10% of GDP), with a focus on energy and transport. It notes that Ethiopia requires 8700 megawatts of generating plant over the next decade to double its capacity. While Kenya is often seen as the regional anchor, the author argues that Ethiopia's growth rates since 2005/06 and its strategic importance make it a potential regional powerhouse. However, Ethiopia faces fundamental business challenges including foreign currency regulations, inflation, and a lack of competitiveness in its manufacturing sector, which contributes less than 10 percent of total merchandise exports.