Search Climate Insights Directory

The paper examines the 'resource curse'—the tendency for resource-rich countries to experience low economic growth—through centralised and decentralised political economy models. It argues that the curse is not inevitable but depends on the presence of 'impartiality-enhancing institutions' that curb favouritism and rent-seeking. The authors critique current donor initiatives, such as the EITI and Norway's Oil for Development programme, for focusing too narrowly on revenue transparency and technical capacity rather than the broader institutional reforms and societal accountability required to address the root causes of the curse.

The document examines China's strategic pursuit of resource security in Africa, primarily focusing on oil and strategic minerals. It details the 'Angola mode' of infrastructure-for-resources deals and the complex internal bureaucracy of Chinese resource diplomacy. While acknowledging positive contributions to hard infrastructure, the paper highlights concerns regarding debt sustainability, environmental degradation, and the potential for 'no strings attached' loans to undermine governance reforms in neo-patrimonial regimes.

The electricity sector in SACU member states is characterised by chronic capacity shortages, underdeveloped infrastructure, and a dominance of state-owned monopolies. While the Southern African Power Pool (SAPP) facilitates cross-border trade, the region remains heavily dependent on South Africa's Eskom. The paper argues that the lack of cost-reflective tariffs and political reluctance to allow independent power producers (IPPs) hinder investment. It recommends a harmonised regional regulatory framework and a strategic approach to liberalisation through a mix of SADC, WTO GATS, and bilateral agreements to improve energy security and economic growth.

The document examines how human rights are integrated into African international relations, noting a gap between formal commitments to regional and international treaties and the practical application of these norms. It highlights how national interests, historical colonial ties, and the emergence of non-conditional economic partnerships—particularly with China—often supersede human rights considerations. The author analyzes specific cases, such as the African Union's response to the ICC warrant for Omar Al-Bashir and South Africa's diplomatic balancing act, to argue that human rights often remain a "variable concern" rather than a central pillar of foreign policy.

The document reports on a seminar held in Addis Ababa on July 14, 2009, which assessed the instability in eastern DRC. Key discussions focused on the role of armed groups like the FDLR and CNDP, the effectiveness of military operations such as Kimia II and Umoja Wetu, and the normalization of relations between the DRC and Rwanda. The seminar highlighted systemic challenges including a weak national army, land tenure disputes, corruption, and the limitations of MONUC's bureaucratic structure and troop levels. Recommendations emphasized strengthening democratic processes, building army capacity, and pursuing political dialogue for the disarmament of FDLR members not involved in the 1994 genocide.

The report assesses the ICC's operations in the DRC, highlighting a gap between the government's political support and its actual technical capacity to cooperate. It examines specific cases, such as those of Thomas Lubanga and Jean-Pierre Bemba, and analyzes how domestic politics and the pursuit of peace in the Kivus create tensions with the ICC's mandate. The author finds that while the ICC is viewed as a crucial tool against impunity, victims and civil society express frustration over limited outreach, perceived selectivity in prosecutions, and the Court's low public profile.

The report examines the transition of forestry governance in the DRC from centralized control to a network-based approach. It analyzes the impact of the 2006-2008 forest title conversion process, which concentrated the industry into fewer hands, and evaluates the role of the 2002 Forest Code. A case study of Bikoro Territory demonstrates how tripartite structures involving government, private sector, and civil society can resolve local conflicts and improve accountability, despite challenges like extreme poverty, lack of infrastructure, and unregulated charcoal production.

The document examines the cyclical nature of the copper and cobalt mining industries in Kolwezi, DRC, and how these fluctuations affect governance, social stability, and the environment. It highlights the state's weak capacity to manage mineral wealth, the tensions between industrial mining companies and artisanal miners, and the devastating socio-economic impact of the 2008 commodity price collapse.

The document examines how former guerrilla movements in East Africa—specifically in Uganda, Rwanda, Eritrea, and Southern Sudan—have transitioned into state power. It argues that the authoritarian, centralized, and ruthless nature of guerrilla warfare is fundamentally incompatible with democratic governance, leading to regimes characterized by 'enlightened despotism' or total totalitarianism. The author analyzes the role of pre-existing civil society, ethnic tensions, and the personalization of power in shaping these outcomes, contrasting these cases with Somaliland's successful transition to a multi-party democracy.

The research paper examines the transition from industrial to artisanal mining in Kalima, Maniema Province, DRC. It argues that artisanal mining of cassiterite has provided better employment, higher incomes, and more democratic work structures for the local population than the previous industrial regime under Sominki and Sakima. However, this shift has led to a decline in local agriculture and a collapse of social services previously provided by mining companies. The author also analyzes the Congolese fiscal system, noting that high export taxes encourage smuggling into Rwanda, and suggests that the lack of conflict in Maniema contrasts with the resource-fueled wars in the Kivu regions.

The author argues that despite a change in leadership from Thabo Mbeki to Jacob Zuma, South Africa's foreign policy is likely to maintain continuity. This continuity is expected to manifest as ongoing support for the African Union (AU), NEPAD, and the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), as well as a persistent 'anti-imperial' philosophical approach in international relations and continued engagement in regional conflicts such as those in Zimbabwe and Sudan.

The document is a country fact sheet for Zambia, detailing its geography, population, governance, and natural resources. It notes a population of 11.1 million as of 2004, a GDP per capita of approximately US$380, and a parliamentary democracy with a legal system based on common law. Zambia's natural resources include copper, cobalt, zinc, lead, coal, emeralds, and hydropower.

The paper argues that artisanal mining in Kalima is more beneficial to the local population than industrial mining was, providing higher employment, better income, and more democratic working conditions. While it notes a decline in local farming and a collapse of social services previously provided by industrial companies, it suggests artisanal mining is more environmentally benign than industrial methods, despite the high carbon footprint of flying ore out of the region. The author also analyzes the DRC's punitive export tax regime, which encourages smuggling into Rwanda, and argues that the lack of conflict in Maniema's mining sector contrasts with the resource-fueled violence in the Kivu regions.

The paper analyzes the legal precedents established by the ICC's pursuit of President Bashir, including the first summons of a sitting Head of State and the use of a UN Security Council referral under Resolution 1593. It explores the tension between state sovereignty and international justice, the potential for the Security Council to defer prosecutions under Article 16 of the Rome Statute, and the humanitarian crisis resulting from the Sudanese government's expulsion of aid agencies. The author argues that regional bodies like the African Union and the Arab League should prioritize human rights and the fight against impunity over defensive views of sovereignty.

The document analyzes the geopolitical changes in Eastern DRC following the January 2009 agreement between the DRC government and the CNDP, which led to the joint military operation 'Umoja wetu' with Rwanda against the FDLR. While the operation resulted in the repatriation of 1,003 FDLR combatants and their dependents, the author questions its overall success due to the lack of action in South Kivu and the impending withdrawal of Rwandan troops. The briefing warns that the 'accelerated plan' for integrating rebels into the FARDC repeats failed processes from 2007 and highlights risks of humanitarian crises and ethnic violence if security vacuums emerge after Rwandan forces depart.

The document summarizes a seminar featuring Colonel Nzekani Zena, head of the national DDR programme in the DRC (PNDDR). It details the atypical nature of the DDR process due to the country's size and the involvement of ten rebel forces and the government army. The programs, which began in 2004, are divided into two phases: the first from November 2004 to June 2008, and the second from July 2008 to December 2009. The seminar highlighted the necessity of conducting DDR and SSR simultaneously and discussed the challenges and progress in the Eastern region of Kivu.

The document examines the fragile peace process in Burundi, specifically the integration of the PALIPEHUTU-FNL into the political system. It details the role of regional mediators, the impact of internal power struggles within the ruling CNDD-FDD, and the eventual symbolic concession by the FNL to drop ethnic references from its name to allow for political registration. It also notes significant debt relief provided by the World Bank and IMF in early 2009.

The Juba peace process between the government of Uganda (GOU) and the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) has stalled, primarily due to Joseph Kony's refusal to sign the Final Peace Agreement (FPA) over concerns regarding International Criminal Court (ICC) indictments. The conflict has expanded beyond northern Uganda into southern Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and the Central African Republic (CAR), effectively becoming a regional conflict system. While the Juba talks are described as the most comprehensive effort to date, they lack sufficient leverage to coerce parties into an agreement. Consequently, regional military cooperation between Uganda, the DRC, and southern Sudan has increased, including a joint offensive in Garamba (DRC) in December 2008. The document argues that a purely military solution is unlikely to succeed and that a sustainable end-game requires a multi-pronged approach addressing regional rivalries and the tension between peace and international justice.

The briefing examines how the global banking crisis and falling commodity prices threaten African budgets and social expenditure, while analyzing ongoing political instability in countries like the DRC, Sudan, and Somalia, and the prospects for democratic consolidation across the continent.

The document examines how anthropogenic climate change and rapid population growth intensify resource competition and instability in Africa. It highlights the continent's low adaptive capacity due to poverty and weak governance, while noting that resource scarcity does not linearly lead to war but can also foster cooperation.