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The paper argues that African development should be central to G20 objectives to enhance the forum's legitimacy and global economic rebalancing. It identifies key growth pillars for Africa—including infrastructure, private investment, human resource development, and trade—and suggests that the G20 can add value by focusing on 'beyond aid' issues. The authors recommend that the G20 establish permanent seats for Africa, create a high-level panel on sustainable infrastructure, and promote knowledge exchange platforms to share successful policy tools from emerging market economies. Case studies on South African outward FDI and Special Economic Zones (SEZs) illustrate potential pathways for diversifying investment and industrialization.

The document details WWF's progress in operationalizing its indigenous peoples' policy through the creation of focal point networks, the adoption of new social policies on poverty and human rights, and the establishment of the Social Development for Conservation (SD4C) team. It highlights specific country-level initiatives in regions such as the Amazon, Central Africa, and Southeast Asia, while noting that the implementation of an internal complaints resolution process remains a priority for 2011.

The document examines Angola's economic performance between 2002 and 2008, highlighting the risks associated with high oil intensity and the potential for 'peak oil' between 2010 and 2025. It argues that while the oil sector has a positive direct impact on the non-oil sector, a poor business climate and weak public spending effectiveness hinder broader development. The author recommends prioritizing domestic capital investment over the creation of a national wealth fund and emphasizes the need for transparent public finance management and democratic stability to ensure long-term economic sustainability.

India's engagement with Africa has evolved from a post-colonial focus on decolonisation and non-alignment to a pragmatic 'enlightened national interest' approach. This modern strategy is driven by India's need for energy security, specifically crude petroleum, and its ambition for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. Trade has grown significantly, with bilateral trade reaching $39 billion in 2008–09, and Indian investment has expanded across hydrocarbons, mining, agriculture, and ICT. India continues to support African capacity building through the ITEC programme and the Pan-African e-network project, aiming to marry its traditional idealistic goals with contemporary economic and strategic needs.

The report examines how existing corruption and weak governance in forest-rich developing countries may undermine REDD objectives and how REDD resource flows could create new incentives for rent-seeking. Through case studies in the DRC, Kenya, and Tanzania, it identifies risks such as 'carbon fraud', elite capture of funds, and the marginalisation of local communities. It suggests that while REDD can act as a catalyst for improving forest governance, success depends on tailored anti-corruption measures, independent monitoring, and the integration of REDD into national development strategies.

The author argues that the presence of Saracen Security, a company owned by Salim Saleh (brother of Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni), in Somalia risks delegitimizing the AMISOM mission. This involvement, combined with Uganda's history in the DRC, provides ideological ammunition for insurgents to claim that Uganda's military presence is driven by a desire for Somali oil. The document notes that international oil companies, such as Africa Oil (Canada), are actively pursuing exploration licenses in Puntland, further complicating the political landscape.

The document examines the complex interdependence between Northern and Southern Sudan as the South moves toward independence. It highlights the critical role of oil co-management, as Southern Sudan derives 98% of its income from oil exports that must travel through Northern infrastructure. The author argues that while the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) provided a path to secession, significant risks remain, including unresolved border disputes in Abyei, the potential for continued insurgency in the North, and the fragile internal governance of the South. Regionally, the document notes the potential for a new independent South Sudan to shift the balance of power within the Nile Basin Initiative, potentially challenging Egypt's historical dominance over Nile water rights.

The document analyzes China's 'going-out' strategy, noting that while overseas FDI grew rapidly, it remained concentrated in energy and mining sectors and faced significant losses. It identifies four primary risk categories: breach of contract, exchange losses, premium-value transactions, and integration failures. The author argues that systemic risks stem from excessive government intervention and a lack of international management capacity, while external risks are primarily driven by the incompatibility of legal, political, and social institutions between China and host countries.

The manual defines Conflict-Sensitive Conservation (CSC) as the programming and execution of conservation actions that account for the causes, actors, and impacts of conflict. It outlines a three-step organizational process: assessing institutional capacity, assigning human resources (such as a CSC Champion and Team), and adopting guiding principles. For field projects, it details a two-step operational process: conducting a conflict analysis using tools like conflict trees, conflict maps, and stakeholder profiles, and subsequently designing and monitoring CSC solutions. The guide emphasizes that conservation can either inadvertently fuel conflict—by restricting resource access or creating unequal benefit distribution—or support peace by addressing root causes of environmental degradation and fostering cooperation.

The report details a workshop in Douala, Cameroon, focused on the implementation of REDD+ in Africa. Key discussions centered on the need for cost-effective safeguard information systems, the scalability of Measurement, Reporting, and Verification (MRV) from subnational to national levels, and the role of agriculture as a driver of deforestation rather than a direct part of REDD+. Participants emphasized the necessity of transparent, equitable financing that prioritizes local experts and the integration of gender and indigenous perspectives to ensure multiple co-benefits beyond carbon sequestration.

The report details a workshop in Hanoi focused on the implementation of REDD+ (Reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation). Key discussions centered on the need for flexible, country-based safeguard information systems, the integration of local and indigenous knowledge into Measurement, Reporting, and Verification (MRV) processes, and the strategic handling of agriculture as a driver of deforestation rather than a direct part of REDD+ at this stage. It emphasizes the importance of transparency, equitable benefit-sharing, and capacity building to bridge the gap between international policy and national action.

The report examines electricity security in Southern Africa and South America, highlighting the heavy reliance of South Africa on coal and Brazil's dependence on hydropower. It argues that while both regions have vast renewable energy potential, adoption is hindered by technological lock-in, risk-averse financing, and restrictive government policies. The document advocates for regional energy integration and policy reforms to diversify energy mixes and improve sustainability.

The report analyzes the surge in foreign acquisitions and long-term leases of agricultural land and water, driven by food and energy security concerns and the 2008 food crisis. It highlights a critical lack of transparency and public contracts, which obscures the impact on local communities. The authors argue that a complex interplay between national laws, investment contracts, and International Investment Agreements (IIAs) often prioritizes foreign investor protections over the rights of local users and the regulatory autonomy of host states, potentially hindering sustainable development and public health measures.

The briefing examines the status of the BTWC in Africa during the Seventh Review Conference in December 2011. It highlights that while 37 African countries are States Parties, several others have either signed without ratifying or remain non-members. The author argues that universalisation is hindered by a lack of resources and domestic legislation, and suggests that the BTWC should be framed within a developmental context to increase engagement. Key recommendations include strengthening the Implementation Support Unit (ISU), improving biosafety measures in African laboratories, and engaging the African Union to address the perception that weapons of mass destruction (WMD) are primarily a concern of the developed world.

The document is a workshop report detailing the regional dimensions of conflict in the Great Lakes Region of Africa. It examines how the proliferation of small arms and light weapons (SALW), the illegal exploitation of natural resources, and forced displacement create a cycle of instability. The report analyzes the role of regional bodies like the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) and the East African Community (EAC) in promoting sustainable peace, while highlighting systemic challenges such as weak governance, impunity for human rights violations, and a dependence on external funding.

The document argues that rule of law (RoL) development in Africa is primarily a political rather than a technical exercise, criticizing the traditional 'institutional capacity development' model used by donors. It advocates for a shift toward service-delivery and problem-solving approaches that recognize legal pluralism, engage legitimate local justice providers, and address the political interests of domestic elites who may oppose RoL reforms. The report highlights specific challenges such as extreme pre-trial detention rates, gender-based violence, and the complexities of international criminal justice via the ICC, while suggesting that sustainability is best achieved through community-driven projects and the integration of international human rights law into national domestic legislation.

South Africa is a signatory to the Convention on Cluster Munitions (CCM) and has indicated that ratification will soon be referred to Parliament. While the government has not disclosed the exact size of its cluster munition stockpile, it has acknowledged possessing obsolete munitions earmarked for destruction and is preparing a disposal plan. South Africa continues to engage in international disarmament forums, including the UN General Assembly and the Convention on Conventional Weapons (CCW), while supporting a comprehensive ban on cluster weapons.

The report argues that a well-functioning security sector is the foundation of state stability and that defence must be integrated into government-wide structures to be effective. It critiques traditional 'civil-military relations' theories that view the military primarily as a threat to be controlled, suggesting instead that the military should be seen as a public service providing force or the threat of force to support state policy. The author emphasizes a 'task-based' rather than 'threat-based' approach to security policy and advocates for integrated hierarchies in ministries of defence to foster cooperation between civilian and military personnel. The text also details the technical aspects of intelligence collection, the management of defence budgets, and the importance of democratic accountability through parliament and transparency.

The document details a workshop on the regional dimensions of conflict in the Great Lakes Region, analyzing how factors like the proliferation of small arms and light weapons (SALW), illegal exploitation of lootable natural resources, and forced displacement create a self-perpetuating cycle of instability. It examines the role of regional bodies like the ICGLR and EAC in promoting peace and highlights the critical need for good governance, human rights protections, and coordinated regional strategies to address the root causes of violence.

The Fourth African Commanders' Conference (ACoC), held from November 1-3, 2010, in Jinja, Uganda, focused on enhancing the effectiveness of African Peace Support Operations (PSOs) and the African Standby Force (ASF). The conference emphasized the need for 'commonalité' in military education and training across African staff colleges to improve interoperability. Key discussions addressed the multidimensional nature of PSOs, highlighting the critical roles of civilian and police components, and the necessity of coordination between Regional Economic Communities (RECs). The conference reviewed the 'Exercise Uhuru' (SADC) and ECOWAS joint exercises as models for operational planning. A significant portion of the proceedings focused on the ACoC's sustainability, specifically the need to diversify funding beyond the UK government and to seek official recognition from the African Union (AU). The conference concluded with decisions to draft a formal Memorandum of Understanding for staff colleges and to pursue the establishment of a pan-African staff college, with Libya taking a lead role in the proposal.