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Cooling access gaps for the rural and urban poor grew across all analyzed regions in 2021. In Africa, 776 million people across 31 high-impact countries face cooling challenges, with 215 million urban poor at highest risk. In Asia and the Middle East, the population at highest risk rose to 645 million in 2021, with significant rural poor increases in India and Bangladesh. In Latin America and the Caribbean, the number of people at highest risk in six high-impact countries reached 48.8 million, with the majority being the urban poor.

The Defenders in Development Campaign urges states and development finance institutions (DFIs) to integrate human rights protections into development projects, noting that defenders of land and environmental rights face extreme risks of violence and criminalization.

The document outlines the environmental risks associated with the EU-Indonesia FTA, specifically regarding palm oil and timber trade, and proposes specific textual amendments and structural safeguards to ensure the agreement supports climate goals and human rights.

The Mauritius Convention on Transparency, adopted by the UN General Assembly on 10 December 2014, provides a mechanism for States to 'opt-in' to the UNCITRAL Rules on Transparency for arbitrations brought under investment treaties concluded before April 2014. The document highlights that investor-State arbitrations often involve public interests, including policies on nuclear or alternative energy, tobacco control, and the protection of drinking water, yet typically lack the openness of legal systems governed by the rule of law. By mandating the disclosure of documents and open hearings, the Convention aims to improve democratic participation, accountability, and the ability of governments to reform international economic governance. As of January 2017, Mauritius and Canada had ratified the Convention, while several other States had signed it.

The report examines the 2015 crisis in Burundi, arguing that while President Pierre Nkurunziza's attempt to secure an unconstitutional third term was the immediate trigger, the situation was underpinned by a long history of government intransigence, systemic repression of the opposition, and corruption. It details the CNDD-FDD's strategy of consolidating power through the 'nyakurisation' method of dividing opposition parties and the use of legislative tools to restrict civil liberties. The document also analyzes the internal fractures within the ruling party, the failure of the Arusha Agreement's power-sharing framework, and the subsequent violent crackdown on protestors, the media, and civil society following a failed coup attempt in May 2015.

The document analyzes the evolution of community-company engagements in the mining, oil, and gas sectors, emphasizing the need for community-driven processes to ensure fair outcomes. It categorizes types of agreements—ranging from Joint Venture Agreements to Consultation and Negotiation Agreements—and evaluates the risks associated with government-led processes. Through case studies in Papua New Guinea, Indonesia, and Ghana, the paper highlights the importance of self-identification of affected communities and the role of international human rights frameworks, such as the UN Guiding Principles and FPIC, in protecting community rights.

The document analyzes the International Bar Association's Model Mining Development Agreement (MMDA 1.0), providing a template and narrative to ensure mining contracts promote sustainable development, transparency, and equitable resource distribution. It details key contractual areas including land tenure, royalties, taxation, and community obligations, while emphasizing the use of international standards like the IFC Performance Standards and EITI. Additionally, the report investigates the existence of similar model agreements for the oil and gas sector, concluding that no internationally accepted model currently exists despite the availability of various national form contracts.

The document examines the risk of 'double-counting' international greenhouse gas offsets, where both the buyer (developed country) and seller (developing country) count the same emission reduction toward their respective pledges. The authors argue that such accounting could dilute global climate ambition by up to 1.6 billion tons CO2e by 2020, potentially undermining the 2°C warming pathway. The brief analyzes different supply and demand scenarios and proposes policy remedies, such as buyer-only counting, credit-sharing, or the use of an international transaction log to ensure environmental integrity.

The report examines the gender gap in the Norwegian Armed Forces (NAF) and other NATO countries, arguing that while national recruitment is a prerequisite for female participation in international missions, it is not sufficient on its own. Despite implementing numerous initiatives, Norway has seen slow growth in female personnel, trailing behind countries like Canada, France, and the United States. The author analyzes NATO's recommended best practices across recruitment, employment, operational planning, and quality of life, noting that many states prioritize equal rights over the instrumental operational value of women. The report specifically highlights Canada's 'employer of choice' strategy as a successful model for Norway to consider, while cautioning that mandatory conscription for women in Norway may be premature without a deeper understanding of female motivation for military service.

The document examines the link between 'communication poverty' and social exclusion, asserting that access to information is a fundamental human right necessary for poverty reduction. It highlights how women are doubly disadvantaged by gendered poverty and limited media representation. The guide advocates for a shift in mass media reporting to include poverty-related issues and promotes 'citizens' media'—such as blogs and podcasts—as a means for marginalized groups to challenge power dynamics. It provides global examples of communication projects in Mexico, Fiji, Argentina, Egypt, Mongolia, Congo, Colombia, and Uganda that use audiovisuals and ICTs to address environmental, health, and social justice issues.

The author contends that the Pan-African Parliament (PAP) currently functions largely as a 'talk-shop' that endorses executive decisions rather than exercising its oversight potential. While the PAP has made recommendations on conflicts in Darfur, Congo, and Cote d’Ivoire, it has failed to scrutinize AU budgets or challenge election abuses in Zimbabwe. The document suggests the PAP should use the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) to compel governments to implement national action plans and calls for a more representative selection process for its members to ensure democratic credibility.

The document identifies trade policy and administrative barriers as the primary non-tariff barriers (NTBs) on the North-South Corridor between South Africa and Zimbabwe. Key obstacles include foreign exchange (FX) controls, administrative delays at the Beit Bridge border, and high transport costs. Sector-specific analysis reveals that Zimbabwean exports (nickel, cotton, tobacco, and manufactured goods) are heavily impacted by FX remittance requirements, while South African exports (fuel, vehicles, and steel) are hindered by Zimbabwean FX shortages and price controls. The briefing also highlights infrastructure issues, such as trucking queues at Durban harbour costing transporters ZAR150,000 per hour and the lack of maintained rail infrastructure.

The document lists the signature, ratification, and deposit dates for 53 African entities regarding the AU Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism. As of 23 June 2006, 48 countries had signed the convention, while 36 had completed ratification or accession and deposited their instruments.

The document analyzes the July 2003 coup in São Tomé e Príncipe, arguing that while potential oil wealth increased international interest and influenced timing, the primary drivers were the demands of the Christian Democratic Front (FDC)—composed largely of former Buffalo Battalion soldiers seeking compensation—and the grievances of the military over poor living conditions. The coup was bloodless and ended through international mediation led by the CPLP, AU, and Nigeria, resulting in a Memorandum of Understanding that reinstated President Fradique de Menezes and provided amnesty to the conspirators.

ClientEarth is an environmental charity that employs legal expertise to enforce environmental laws and shape new policies. Its five-year strategy focuses on accelerating the transition to a net zero carbon economy by pressuring governments and companies to uphold the Paris Agreement, eliminating coal power in Europe by 2030, and reducing illegal air pollution. The organization also targets the protection of oceans, forests, and wildlife, specifically focusing on sustainable fishing quotas in the EU by 2020 and securing community forest rights in Central and West Africa. Additionally, ClientEarth works to expand access to justice and modernize environmental governance in China.

The report details a workshop in Cameroon that led to the creation of the Réseau Afrique Carbone & Changement Climatique (RAC3), a network designed to amplify African civil society voices in carbon market negotiations. It highlights the historical under-representation of Africa in the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and discusses the potential benefits of 'vintage restrictions' under the new Sustainable Development Mechanism (SDM) to encourage new projects. The event also addressed the role of African NGOs in monitoring the environmental integrity of aviation offsets under CORSIA and noted the need for increased advocacy to raise ambition regarding aviation emission reductions in Cameroon.

The document examines the crisis of external debt in Africa, noting that for some commodity-dependent nations, debt-to-GDP ratios exceeded 100% after the COVID-19 pandemic. It argues that current debt relief efforts by the G20 and UN are insufficient because they lack binding frameworks for private creditors. The authors contend that the global financial system reproduces colonial extraction and that only a coordinated effort to write off private, public, and multilateral debt can ensure a just recovery and protect socio-economic rights.

This research paper provides an overview of United States contributions to peace and security in Africa, focusing on the current period and immediate future. It defines the nature of instability and insecurity on the continent and outlines the various military, economic, and governance-related measures that Americans believe can attenuate these conditions.

The document outlines a proposal by TotalEnergies, Shell, and PetroSA to drill up to five exploration wells in Block 5/6/7 off the coast of the Western Cape, South Africa. It argues that the project is unnecessary for energy security, contradicts South Africa's climate commitments to limit global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius, and poses significant risks to marine biodiversity and local industries like fishing and tourism. The text also highlights the poor environmental and ethical track records of TotalEnergies and Shell in other African nations.

The authors argue that International Financial Institutions (IFIs), such as the IMF and World Bank, exercise extraordinary leverage in post-conflict states to impose neoliberal reforms that often exacerbate gendered insecurity. By introducing the concept of 'gendered circuits of violence,' the paper demonstrates how macroeconomic policies—including austerity, debt-based financialization, and extractive resource economics—disproportionately burden women and marginalized groups. The text highlights that while IFIs have adopted the rhetoric of gender equality as 'smart economics,' these efforts are often superficial and fail to address the material realities of unpaid care work and structural violence. Case studies from Ukraine, East Timor, and the Western Balkans illustrate how IFI-mandated reforms can lead to increased household debt, the erosion of social welfare, and even the incitement of physical violence against women.